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How Oscar Piastri has usurped McLaren team-mate Lando Norris as favourite for the 2025 F1 drivers’ title | F1 News

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Ahead of the 2025 Formula 1 season, much was made of British bookmakers having installed Lando Norris as the title favourite over four-time reigning world champion Max Verstappen.

While Norris discussed his newfound status in pre-season interviews, his McLaren team-mate Oscar Piastri quietly insisted he was gearing up for a title challenge of his own, ignoring the fact the bookies had him as a relative outsider, behind Ferrari’s Charles Leclerc and Lewis Hamilton.

But now, with just four of the season’s 24 rounds complete, and despite Piastri trailing Norris by three points at the top of the drivers’ standings, the Australian has usurped his team-mate as favourite.

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Highlights from the 2025 Bahrain Grand Prix from the Bahrain International Circuit

While it’s far from certain that a two-horse title race between the McLarens will play out, with Red Bull’s Verstappen and Mercedes’ George Russell both very much within striking distance, the rapid flip in perception of the top two is undoubtedly fascinating.

Ahead of this weekend’s Saudi Arabian Grand Prix, Sky Sports analyse how Norris has so quickly gone from being perceived as McLaren’s main hope, to an underdog within his own team.

Can Norris handle the pressure?

There has never been much doubt over whether Norris has the speed to become a world champion. While he – along with the rest of the grid – might not be on the same level as Verstappen, the Brit proved last year as he attempted to chase down the Dutchman that he can dominate races when he has the fastest car.

However, the fact that he also failed to win several 2024 races where he appeared to have a marginal pace advantage, left questions over his tendency to get in his own way. Giving up the lead at the start of races was a recurring issue, while Norris also publicly expressed self-doubt and admitted inferiority to Verstappen on several occasions.

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Lando Norris has made several poor starts to races during the 2024 season

The hope was that a first experience of consistently fighting at the front would prepare Norris for his big chance in 2025, and the early signs were superb as he took pole at the season-opener in Australia and then overcame extremely challenging conditions to win the race.

Interesting comments came from Russell after that victory, as he suggested McLaren had a bigger advantage than Red Bull did during their historically dominant 2023 campaign. Russell added that he had more hope of competing for wins because unlike Red Bull, McLaren don’t have Verstappen.

It was also noticeable that Russell was repeatedly making comments to Norris about his status as favourite as they crossed paths during press conferences and around the paddock, with the McLaren driver starting to appear irritated by his long-time competitor’s jibes.

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McLaren’s Lando Norris secures his first win of the season at the Australian Grand Prix, with Max Verstappen and George Russell completing the podium places

Norris faltered in China, claiming just a point in the Sprint before having to settle for second behind Piastri in the race. He bettered his team-mate at the next round in Japan, but was this time second behind Verstappen as the Red Bull driver caused an upset by beating the McLarens.

Verstappen said afterwards that if he had been in a McLaren, he would have secured a comfortable victory at Suzuka, then doubled down on his comments ahead of the race in Bahrain. Norris felt the need to answer to Verstappen’s claims, before turning in another poor performance as he qualified sixth before scrapping his way to third in the race.

After qualifying, Norris said he felt “clueless” and “like I have never driven a Formula 1 car before”. Only Norris knows how much impact his rivals’ comments are having, but there is little doubt that they are repeatedly attempting to ramp up the pressure on him.

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Sky Sports’ Martin Brundle, Naomi Schiff and Simon Lazenby discuss if Max Verstappen would dominate if he was driving a McLaren.

What Norris says the problem is

Despite accepting that it is the fastest car on the grid, Norris has been hinting at imperfections and dissatisfaction with the performance of his McLaren since the opening weekend of the season.

He went a step further after being totally outclassed by Piastri in Bahrain as he revealed that he is “not clicking” with the car and therefore producing “nowhere near the capability that I have”.

Norris said: “I’m not able to do any of the laps like I was doing last season. I knew every single corner, everything that was going to happen with the car, how it was going to happen. I felt on top of the car.

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Lando Norris and Oscar Piastri give different views of how the Bahrain Grand Prix went for McLaren

“This year I could not have felt more opposite so far. Even in Australia, whether or not I won the race, I never felt confident.

“The car was just mega and that’s helping me get out of a lot of problems at the minute. I’m just nowhere near the capability that I have, which hurts to say.

“I’m confident – like I know I’ve got what it takes… when you’re not confident in the car, to know what the limit is, what to do in the slow speed, high speed, any corner – yeah, I’m never going to be as quick as I need to be.”

It’s clear Norris sees his early-season inconsistency as a result of his relationship with the MCL39, but his choice to be so open about his struggles is certainly unorthodox.

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A despondent Lando Norris felt he just wasn’t quick enough after qualifying sixth for the Bahrain GP in his McLaren

Sky Sports F1’s Martin Brundle said in Bahrain: “You have to remember that when we all get disappointed in things that happen in our lives, we haven’t got a camera and millions of people watching us right at that moment. But how Lando manages it down, he sort of beats himself up when his disappointment juices are flowing, and that’s how he works it. We’re all different.

“I think he tries to manage down the pressure like that as well, so that maybe he doesn’t get as much stick, because he’s saying he’s rubbish. But to use words like clueless, he’s leading the world championship for goodness’ sake, so he’s clearly not clueless. He’s one of the best in the world right now.

“The problem with that strategy is it feeds your rivals. Piastri and Leclerc and Verstappen must look at that and think, ‘wow, there’s a soft underbelly there somewhere that we can get into.'”

Piastri progress exceeding expectations

Perhaps the biggest problem of all for Norris is the progress of Piastri, who appears to have taken another significant step forward in the early stages of his third F1 season.

Norris dominated Piastri in qualifying last season with a 21-3 head-to-head, but this time around it’s 2-2 after four races, and the Australian came out on top in China Sprint qualifying. Norris also appeared to have a race-pace advantage over his team-mate in 2024, but there has been no sign of that this time around.

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Karun Chandhok is in the Sky Pad to talk us through Oscar Piastri’s pole lap at the Bahrain Grand Prix

Piastri has actually applied more pressure to Norris when behind him in Australia and Japan than the Brit was able to when following in China. He won comfortably in Shanghai and in even more dominant fashion in Bahrain on Sunday as he became the first driver to claim two wins this season.

The only blip so far from Piastri was the spin in the Melbourne rain that cost him what looked like being at least second place at his home race, but his impressive response to what became a ninth-placed finish has already erased most of the deficit it created.

McLaren team principal Andrea Stella made a notable admission after the race in Bahrain as he appeared to suggest their 2025 car was more favourable to Piastri’s driving style than Norris’.

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McLaren driver Oscar Piastri ran wide ending up on the grass, leaving him to rejoin in last place!

Stella said: “We know that we have made some changes to the car, which made Lando’s life a bit more difficult. We know technically what this is; Lando is adapting to this, potentially this might have played a bit more on Oscar’s hand and we are working together to fix it.”

Despite that admission, McLaren have produced a car this year that – at least at this point of the season – is clearly quicker than the rest of the field. If Piastri can keep claiming dominant victories like the one he delivered in Bahrain, Stella surely won’t be looking to change the MCL39 too much.

Irrespective of car characteristics, Piastri appears to have made improvements with both his one-lap speed and tyre management during races, which were the two key areas that needed upping.

‘Piastri not phased or bothered by anything’

While some doubted Piastri’s speed, the Australian has shown a remarkable level of composure since making his debut in 2023.

There is a huge contrast between the way in which the McLaren drivers go about their business, with Piastri giving little away to the media regardless of his performance.

While Norris’ approach is undoubtedly more entertaining, and useful for journalists, it would appear that Piastri is able to get through a race weekend with far less stress than his team-mate.

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Sky F1’s Ted Kravitz reflects on all the big talking points from the Bahrain Grand Prix

Ahead of Sunday’s race in Bahrain, Martin Brundle said: “Piastri’s got the speed, he’s got the talent, and of course he’s getting more and more experienced, more and more comfortable with the McLaren team.

“I’ve spent a bit of time with him this week here and there, and he’s as horizontal in life as he is on the racetrack, and that calmness of mind will pay dividends on days like today on pole.

“I don’t think he gets phased or bothered by anything, and that mental strength is going to really come through this season.”

As Brundle’s words suggest, there is unlikely to be any change in Piastri’s approach or behaviour as a consequence of his newfound status.

While Norris insists his issue is with the car, it will be fascinating to see whether becoming the underdog – albeit a marginal one – will free him up to rediscover his best form in Saudi Arabia this weekend.

Saudi Arabian GP dates, UK start time and Sky Sports F1’s live schedule – practice, qualifying and race

Thursday April 17

  • 4pm: Drivers’ Press Conference

Friday April 18

  • 10.50am: F2 Practice
  • 12pm: F1 Academy Practice
  • 2pm: Saudi Arabian GP Practice One (session starts at 2.30pm)
  • 3.55pm: F2 Qualifying
  • 4.40pm: Team Bosses’ Press Conference
  • 5.45pm: Saudi Arabian GP Practice Two (session starts at 6pm)
  • 7.25pm: F1 Academy Qualifying
  • 8.10pm: The F1 Show

Saturday April 19

  • 1.15pm: F1 Academy Race 1
  • 2.05pm: Saudi Arabian GP Practice Three (session starts at 2.30pm)*
  • 4.10pm: F2 Sprint
  • 5.10pm: Saudi Arabian GP Qualifying build-up
  • 6pm: SAUDI ARABIAN GP QUALIFYING

Sunday April 20

  • 1pm: F1 Academy Race 2
  • 2.20pm: F2 Feature Race
  • 4.30pm: Saudi Arabian GP build-up: Grand Prix Sunday
  • 6pm: THE SAUDI ARABIAN GRAND PRIX*
  • 8pm: Saudi Arabian GP reaction: Chequered flag

*Also live on Sky Sports Main Event

Formula 1 completes its first triple-header of 2025 in Jeddah with the Saudi Arabian Grand Prix this weekend, live on Sky Sports F1. Stream Sky Sports with NOW – no contract, cancel anytime



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Trump and DOGE Are Planning Deregulation at a Massive Scale

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At the Department of Health and Human Services, Trump administration officials want to reverse a regulation that has required nursing homes to have more medical staff on duty.

At the Mine Safety and Health Administration, powerful lobbying groups have asked the administration to eliminate a rule to protect miners from inhaling the dust of crystalline silica, a mineral that is used in concrete, smartphones and cat litter but that can be lethal in the lungs.

And at the Federal Communications Commission, which regulates radio and television broadcasting and satellite communications, President Trump’s appointees published a seemingly exuberant notice asking for suggestions on which rules to get rid of, titled “DELETE, DELETE, DELETE.”

Across the more than 400 federal agencies that regulate almost every aspect of American life, from flying in airplanes to processing poultry, Mr. Trump’s appointees are working with the Department of Government Efficiency, the cost-cutting initiative headed by Elon Musk and also called DOGE, to launch a sweeping new phase in their quest to dismantle much of the federal government: deregulation on a mass scale.

Usually, the legal process of repealing federal regulations takes years — and rules erased by one administration can be restored by another. But after chafing at that system during his first term and watching President Joseph R. Biden Jr. enact scores of new rules pushed by the left, Mr. Trump has marshaled a strategy for a dramatic do-over designed to kill regulations swiftly and permanently.

At Mr. Trump’s direction, agency officials are compiling the regulations they have tagged for the ash heap, racing to meet a deadline next week after which the White House will build its master list to guide what the president called the “deconstruction of the overbearing and burdensome administrative state.”

The approach, overseen by Russell T. Vought, the director of the White House Office of Management and Budget, rests on a set of novel legal strategies in which the administration intends to simply repeal or just stop enforcing regulations that have historically taken years to undo, according to people familiar with the plans. The White House theory relies on Supreme Court decisions — some recent and at least one from the 1980s — that they believe give them the basis for sweeping change.

The broad scope of the effort has created a major opportunity for businesses and their allies, who have long lobbied Washington to soften regulations and now have willing and even eager partners spread across the administration — including many agency appointees with close ties to industries — to help rewrite the rules they live by.

A sign of Mr. Trump’s aggressiveness came last week, when the White House directed agencies to bypass a lengthy legal requirement that proposed changes to rules be posted for public comment. Instead, the memo said, regulators should in many cases just move to immediately cancel the rules.

“I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Donald Kenkel, a professor of economics at Cornell University who served as the chief economist to the White House Council of Economic Advisers in the first Trump administration.

“It’s going on much more quietly than some of the other fireworks we’re seeing, but it will have great impact,” Mr. Kenkel said.

Once Mr. Trump’s orders to repeal or stop enforcement of rules are in effect, Mr. Kenkel said, “the effects of deregulation will be more or less immediate.”

Administration officials say they have a greater understanding now than they did during the first term of their powers to transform the regulatory system.

“We had four years in which to prepare, and a first term of trial and error, and now we know exactly how the operation works,” said Harrison Fields, a White House spokesman. “We have a lot of latitude here and we have the ability to roll back some of these devastating regulations.”

This account inside the Trump administration’s sprawling campaign to undo generations of regulations is based on interviews with 14 current and former Trump administration officials, federal regulators and people involved in the DOGE mission.

Mr. Trump and his allies see the new steps as the coup de grâce in a systematic overhaul of the federal government that began with mass layoffs and efforts to shut down some agencies. They believe that the rapid repeal of some rules — and the stop-work order on enforcing others — will quickly and permanently uproot a vast network of regulations that many see as a safety net, but that they view as a drag on industry and a tool for what Mr. Vought has called a “woke and weaponized” bureaucracy.

While Republican presidents have for generations sought to rein in regulations, experts say there has never been such an immediate and comprehensive strategy to so quickly erase or freeze this many rules that are woven throughout so many dimensions of the American economy and daily life.

“Many people don’t realize how high the American quality of life is because of the competent and stable enforcement of regulations, and if that goes away a lot of lives are at risk,” said Steve Cicala, co-director of the National Bureau of Economic Research’s Project on the Economic Analysis of Regulation. “This affects airplane safety, baby formula safety, the safety of meat, vegetables and packaged foods, the water that you drink, how you get to work safely and whether you’re safe in your workplace.”

Others say a wholesale review of federal rules will weed out those that slow down the government and the economy. For example, there are still dozens of regulations that require reporting information by outdated methods like telegram and cable.

“It’s like sedimentary rock that’s been building up for hundreds of years,” said Kent Lassman, head of the Competitive Enterprise Institute, a free-market think tank in Washington with close ties to the administration.

The roots of Mr. Trump’s full-throttle approach this year can be traced to the early months of his first term, when he started trying to rip up President Barack Obama’s largest climate change regulation, a rule to cut planet-warming tailpipe pollution by forcing automakers to sell more electric vehicles.

Mr. Trump traveled in early 2017 to Detroit to announce his plans to undo the rule. But as his term ticked away, the president grew frustrated as the process to finalize the rollback dragged on. It was not completed until 2020, when the news was buried by headlines about Covid and Mr. Trump had just a few months left in office.

That rule, along with many more of his first-term regulatory rollbacks, was soon restored by the Biden administration — a fact that further infuriated Mr. Trump, according to a person familiar with the matter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity out of fear of retaliation.

For his second term, Mr. Trump wanted deregulation to happen fast, in order to see the impacts and bask in the credit while he was still in the White House, according to the person familiar with the matter — and he wanted the rollbacks to be permanent.

The specifics of the new approach coalesced in the days after the election, when Mr. Musk teamed with Vivek Ramaswamy, the Trump ally who co-founded the Department of Government Efficiency. As Mr. Musk pushed the DOGE team to quickly fire workers and eliminate government offices, Mr. Ramaswamy mapped out a more detailed plan to use a pair of recent Supreme Court rulings to seek out old regulations that, under the new decisions, could now be legally vulnerable.

One of those rulings, in 2022, limited the Environmental Protection Agency’s ability to regulate carbon emissions from power plants. The other, in 2024, ended a precedent known as Chevron deference in which federal agencies were given wide legal latitude to interpret laws.

Together, the Supreme Court’s actions served to limit the broad regulatory authority of federal agencies, and Mr. Ramaswamy asserted that they could justify permanently erasing many rules that had been granted before those precedents.

The mission has gained steam since the inauguration under the direction of Mr. Vought, who took over the planning after Mr. Ramaswamy left the Department of Government Efficiency to run for Ohio governor.

Mr. Trump ordered agency heads in February to work with DOGE teams to identify rules that impede technological innovation, energy production, and private enterprise and entrepreneurship, among other issues, giving them a 60-day window to prepare their target lists.

Mr. Musk, meanwhile, developed an artificial intelligence tool intended to comb through the 100,000-plus pages of the Code of Federal Regulations and identify rules that are outdated or legally vulnerable in the wake of the two Supreme Court decisions, according to two people familiar with the matter. It is not yet clear whether the tool has succeeded in its assignment, one of the people said.

White House officials did not respond to emails requesting comment from Mr. Musk on the matter.

Mr. Vought is seeking public input. He posted a call for ideas on the Federal Register, the government portal where the public can comment on proposed regulatory changes, adding a deregulatory “suggestion box.”

In recent days, Mr. Trump’s executive orders have signaled an even more aggressive approach than many expected.

The White House directive last week that many rules can simply be repealed without a “notice and comment” period would circumvent a process long required by the 1946 Administrative Procedure Act — and would probably trigger court challenges, legal experts said.

“There may well be many regulations they can revise or revoke in light of these recent Supreme Court decisions, but there are going to be very few they can simply revoke with a brief statement, as the president’s order suggested,” said Susan E. Dudley, who served as the top regulatory official in the George W. Bush administration.

That is why the White House is planning another startling approach to regulations that it may not be able to immediately repeal. For those, according to people familiar with the discussions, it will simply stop enforcing the rules while going through the legal notice-and-comment process to roll them back — effectively ignoring them until they are off the books.

That strategy relies on an obscure 1985 Supreme Court decision, Heckler vs. Chaney, in which Justice William H. Rehnquist wrote that if a federal agency did not enforce a regulatory action, that act was generally beyond the review of the courts.

Experts said that precedent could give the Trump administration grounds to stop enforcing the rules.

“That puts them in a very strong posture,” said Lisa Heinzerling, an expert in administrative law at Georgetown University who served in the E.P.A. during the Obama administration. “People have taken advantage of Heckler vs. Cheney before but not in this across-the-board fashion.”

The impact of that, she said, “will be huge.”

Business groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the American Petroleum Institute and the National Association of Manufacturers are ready for the moment: They have long hoped to see many regulations stripped away, particularly on labor and the environment. Many have delivered the White House wish lists of the rules they want terminated.

“This is a real opportunity to rebalance the regulatory environment,” said Marty Durbin, senior vice president for policy at the Chamber, the nation’s largest business lobby.

Mr. Trump’s agency heads have been preparing their target lists as next week’s deadline nears.

The E.P.A. administrator, Lee Zeldin, finished his homework early, offering what Trump allies called a model for other agencies. On a single day in February, Mr. Zeldin announced a list of 31 rules, from climate change to chemical pollution to wetlands protections, that the agency intends to roll back — including the rule on auto emissions that has bedeviled Mr. Trump since his first term.

Federal Trade Commission officials are viewing a rule that forbids hotels and ticket vendors to advertise prices that fail to disclose certain fees.

And at the Agriculture Department, Secretary Brooke Rollins wants to streamline the procedures governing production speed in pork and poultry plants, allowing more meat to be processed each day. The changes would also replace some government food and safety inspectors in the plants with corporate inspectors.

The changes would cut “unnecessary red tape, empowering businesses to operate more efficiently and strengthening American agriculture — all while upholding the highest food safety standards,” Ms. Rollins said in a statement.

Mark Lauritsen, vice president of the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union, said the changes would endanger workers’ bodies and consumers’ health.

“Worker safety and food safety goes hand in hand,” he said. “If the work force is under more pressure for speed, with less safety oversight, that can lead to a miscut on a carcass, bile that could leak out of the intestine, that contaminates the equipment, and then the next carcass and the next and the next.”



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Trump’s Dilemma: A Trade War That Threatens Every Other Negotiation With China

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President Trump came into office sounding as if he were eager to deal with President Xi Jinping of China on the range of issues dividing the world’s two biggest superpowers.

He and his aides signaled that they wanted to resolve trade disputes and lower the temperature on Taiwan, curb fentanyl production and get to a deal on TikTok. Perhaps, over time, they could manage a revived nuclear arms race and competition over artificial intelligence.

Today it is hard to imagine any of that happening, at least for a year.

Mr. Trump’s decision to stake everything on winning a trade war with China threatens to choke off those negotiations before they even begin. And if they do start up, Mr. Trump may be entering them alone, because he has alienated the allies who in recent years had come to a common approach to countering Chinese power.

In conversations over the past 10 days, several administration officials, insisting that they could not speak on the record, described a White House deeply divided on how to handle Beijing. The trade war erupted before the many factions inside the administration even had time to stake out their positions, much less decide which issues mattered most.

The result was strategic incoherence. Some officials have gone on television to declare that Mr. Trump’s tariffs on Beijing were intended to coerce the world’s second-largest economy into a deal. Others insisted that Mr. Trump was trying to create a self-sufficient American economy, no longer dependent on its chief geopolitical competitor, even if that meant decoupling from the $640 billion in two-way trade in goods and services.

“What is the Trump administration’s grand strategy for China?” said Rush Doshi, one of America’s leading China strategists, who is now at the Council of Foreign Relations and Georgetown University. “They don’t have a grand strategy yet. They have a range of disconnected tactics.”

Mr. Doshi says he holds open the hope that Mr. Trump could reach deals with Japan, South Korea, India, Taiwan and the European Union that would allow them to confront Chinese trade practices together, attract allied investment in U.S. industry and increase security ties.

“If you are up against someone big, you need to get bigger scale — and that’s why we need our allies to be with us,” said Mr. Doshi, who in recent days published an article in Foreign Affairs with Kurt M. Campbell, the former deputy secretary of state, arguing for a new approach. “This is an era in which strategic advantage will once again accrue to those who can operate at scale. China possesses scale, and the United States does not — at least not by itself,” they wrote.

Mr. Trump insisted on Monday that his tariffs were working so well that he might place more of them on China, among other nations. Just 48 hours after he carved out a huge exemption for cellphones, computer equipment and many electronic components — nearly a quarter of all trade with China — he said he might soon announce additional tariffs targeting imported computer chips and pharmaceuticals. “The higher the tariff, the faster they come in,” he said of companies investing in the United States to avoid paying the import tax.

So far, the Chinese response has been one of controlled escalation. Beijing has matched every one of Mr. Trump’s tariff hikes, trying to send the message that it can endure the pain longer than the United States can. And in a move that appeared to experts to have been prepared months ago, China announced that it was suspending exports of a range of critical minerals and magnets used by automakers, semiconductor producers and weapons builders — a reminder to Washington that Beijing has many tools to interrupt supply chains.

The result, said R. Nicholas Burns, who left his post in January as the American ambassador to China, is “one of the most serious crises in U.S.-Chinese relations since the resumption of full diplomatic relations in 1979.”

“But Americans should have no sympathy for the Chinese government, which describes itself as the victim in this confrontation,” said Mr. Burns. “They have been the greatest disrupter in the international trade system.” He said the challenge now would be “to restore communications at the highest levels to avoid a decoupling of the two economies.”

So far, neither side wants to be the one to initiate those communications, at least in public, for fear of being perceived as the one that blinked. Mr. Trump often insists he has a “great relationship” with Mr. Xi, but he gave the Chinese leader no direct warning about what was coming — or a pathway to head it off. And Mr. Xi has pointedly avoided joining the ranks of what the White House insists are 75 countries that say they want to strike a deal.

There are flickers of back-channel communications: Cui Tiankai, who served as China’s ambassador to the United States from 2013 to 2021, was in Washington as the tariffs were rolling out, talking to old contacts and clearly looking for a way to defuse the growing confrontation. Though retired, Mr. Cui is still among the Chinese with deep connections in both capitals — he is a graduate of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, and American officials still use him as a conduit to the Chinese leadership.

But recent history suggests that freezes in the U.S.-China relationship can be long-lasting and that relations never quite get back to where they had been before. The August 2022 visit to Taiwan by a congressional delegation led by Representative Nancy Pelosi, the California Democrat who at the time was still the speaker of the House, led China to send its air and naval forces on military exercises over the “median line” in the Taiwan Strait. Nearly three years later, those exercises have only intensified.

The following winter a high-altitude balloon, which China claimed was a weather balloon and U.S. intelligence officials said was stuffed with intelligence-gathering equipment to geolocate communications transmissions, crossed over the continental United States. President Joseph R. Biden Jr. ultimately ordered it shot down off the South Carolina coast.

Again, it took months to get past the mutual recriminations and set up a summit meeting between Mr. Xi and Mr. Biden. That encounter resulted in some modest agreements on cracking down on fentanyl precursors, along with a joint statement that A.I. technologies should never be used in nuclear command-and-control systems.

But the stakes in those confrontations were not as high as they are in the emerging trade war, which could help push both countries to the brink of recession — and could ultimately spill into the power plays happening each day around Taiwan, in the South China Sea and just offshore of the Philippines.

Among the questions hanging over the administration now is whether it can put together a coherent approach to China at a moment when key members of Mr. Trump’s inner circle are arguing in public about the right strategy. Elon Musk, who relies on China as a key supplier to his companies Tesla and SpaceX, called Peter Navarro, a top White House trade adviser, a “moron” and “dumber than a sack of bricks.” Mr. Navarro shrugged it off during a Sunday appearance on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” saying, “I’ve been called worse.”

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent pushed back Monday on a Chinese commerce official who dismissed the tariffs as a “joke.”

“These are not a joke,” Mr. Bessent said in Argentina, where he is on a visit. But then he added that the tariffs were so big that “no one thinks they’re sustainable.”

But whether they are sustainable is a different question than whether Mr. Trump or Mr. Xi can afford, politically, to be the first to back away from them. And then the administration will have to decide what its priorities are when it comes to China. Will the United States declare that it will defend Taiwan? (Mr. Trump clearly has his hesitations, based on his public statements.) Will it seek to find common projects to work on with Beijing?

It is hardly unusual for an administration to spend months, maybe more than a year, debating how to navigate a relationship as complex as the one with China. President Richard M. Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger spent years plotting out their approach to what was still called “Red China,” resulting in Mr. Nixon’s historic trip to the country and the yearslong diplomatic opening it triggered. President Bill Clinton entered office having campaigned against the “butchers of Beijing,” a reference to the killings in Tiananmen Square and the crackdowns that followed, and he ended his term ushering China into the World Trade Organization. President George W. Bush courted Chinese leaders to join the battle against terrorism.

Mr. Biden had to get beyond the Covid era before he settled on a strategy of denying Beijing access to critical semiconductors and other technology.

But none was trying to overcome what Mr. Trump faces. He has unleashed an act of economic confrontation so large that it may poison the relationship with a country that is deeply intertwined with the American economy. In the end, Mr. Trump may have to choose between an unhappy marriage or an abrupt divorce.



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Tuesday Briefing: El Salvador Will Not Return Deportee

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At a White House meeting with President Trump, El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, said yesterday that he would not return a man who was wrongly deported from the U.S. and sent to a notorious prison in El Salvador.

“Of course I’m not going to do it,” Bukele said when reporters asked if he was willing to help return the man, Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia. The deportation case is at the heart of a legal battle that has gone to the Supreme Court. Here’s what else to know.

Bukele said that returning Abrego Garcia would be like smuggling “a terrorist into the United States.” As the Salvadoran president spoke in the Oval Office, Trump smiled in approval.

Background: The Trump administration has said that the deportation was an “administrative error,” and has been ordered by the Supreme Court to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return. But Trump has defied the order.

Quotable: “This meeting is one of the starkest examples of a foreign leader fawning over and placating Trump during a visit to the Oval Office,” said Zolan Kanno-Youngs, a White House reporter for The Times.


Mark Zuckerberg, the chief executive of Meta, took the witness stand yesterday on the first day of a landmark antitrust trial that could dismantle his company.

The U.S. government has accused Meta of illegally creating a monopoly by acquiring Instagram and WhatsApp when they were tiny start-ups. The trial poses the most consequential threat yet to Zuckerberg’s business empire.

In a packed courthouse in Washington, federal lawyers presented Zuckerberg with emails and internal communications about his acquisition strategy. In response to a 2012 email, in which he discussed keeping Instagram going without adding more features, Zuckerberg said he viewed that as “relatively early thinking.” He added that, in practice, “we ended up investing a ton” after acquiring the platform.

What’s next: Zuckerberg is expected to resume testimony today. During the eight-week trial, the government and Meta are expected to tell competing versions of Meta’s 20-year growth story. If the judge rules against Meta, Zuckerberg may be forced to sell Instagram and WhatsApp, potentially altering a long pattern in Silicon Valley of Big Tech companies snapping up younger rivals.


President Xi Jinping of China arrived in Vietnam yesterday at the start of a tour of Southeast Asia. The Chinese leader will try to rally other nations to Beijing’s side, as U.S. tariffs threaten economic growth.

In an essay published just before his arrival, Xi called on other countries to join China in defending stability, free trade and “an open and cooperative international environment.”

While the Chinese leader will be welcomed during his tour, Vietnam and its neighbors are also trying to appease Trump to get tariffs lowered, which may make them resistant to making bold pro-China pronouncements.

Jeff Bezos’ Blue Origin rocket launched the singer Katy Perry and five other women, including his fiancée, yesterday. Blue Origin pitched the space tourism flight as a way to encourage more women to pursue careers in science.

Amanda Hess, one of our critics at large, writes that the effort may have fallen short. “If the flight proves anything, it is that women are now free to enjoy capitalism’s most decadent spoils alongside the world’s wealthiest men,” she wrote.

The Peruvian author Mario Vargas Llosa, who died on Sunday at 89, was the last surviving member of the Boom movement of socially conscious Latin American writers that included Gabriel García Márquez and Carlos Fuentes, among others.

He was the world’s savviest and most accomplished political novelist, our book critic Dwight Garner writes. Vargas Llosa’s political novels are morally complex and meticulously observed, but life’s absurdity sneaks into them. Read Dwight’s appreciation here.



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Court Temporarily Blocks Trump’s Shuttering of Migrant Entry Program

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A federal judge in Boston temporarily blocked the Trump administration on Monday from ending a signature Biden-era program that allowed hundreds of thousands of migrants from four troubled countries to enter the country and work legally.

The administration moved in late March to shut down the program by April 24, which offered migrants from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Haiti temporary legal status in the United States. Judge Indira Talwani, of the Federal District Court in Boston, said the program’s termination put thousands of immigrants at imminent risk of deportation hearings once their legal status expires in less than two weeks.

Judge Talwani blocked the wholesale shutdown of the program. Otherwise, she wrote in her ruling, the migrants would “be forced to choose between two injurious options: continue following the law and leave the country on their own, or await removal proceedings.”

Immigrant advocates hailed the decision as a win for those worried about the imminent stripping of their status.

“This ruling is a victory not just for our clients and those like them, but anyone who cherishes the freedom to welcome,” said Karen Tumlin, the director of the Justice Action Center, an immigrant advocacy group. “Our clients — and our class members — have done everything the government asked of them, and we’re gratified to see that the court will not allow the government to fail to uphold its side of the bargain.”

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The judge’s decision came as the Trump administration has moved to end legal protections for migrants from many countries, including by shutting down a program granting legal status to Afghan and Cameroonian migrants. A separate effort to revoke Temporary Protected Status for Venezuelans in the United States was also blocked by a federal judge.

The Biden-era program allowed more migrants from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Haiti to fly into the United States and stay temporarily with access to work permits if they had a financial sponsor and passed security checks. They were allowed to stay for up to two years.

More than 500,000 migrants entered the country under the program. Biden officials said it was part of an effort to deter migrants from those countries from crossing into the country illegally, and encourage a legal pathway instead.

Trump officials, announcing the move to end the program last month, said the program added to immigration problems in the United States by granting some protections to “a substantial population of aliens in the interior of the United States without a clear path to a durable status.”



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Trump’s Trade War With China Could Be Good for India. But Is It Ready?

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Even when India was staring down the barrel of a 27 percent tariff on most of its exports to the United States, business executives and government officials saw an upside. India’s biggest economic rival, China, and its smaller competitors like Vietnam were facing even worse.

India has been pushing hard in recent years to become a manufacturing alternative to China, and it looked as if it had suddenly gained an advantage.

Then India and its smaller rivals got 90-day reprieves, and President Trump doubled down on China, boosting its tariff to 145 percent.

The sky-high tax on Chinese imports to America presented “a significant opportunity for India’s trade and industry,” said Praveen Khandelwal, a member of Parliament from the ruling party of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and a top figure in the country’s business lobby.

India, with its enormous work force, has been trying to elbow into China’s manufacturing business for a long time, yet its factories are not ready. For the past 10 years Mr. Modi has pursued a goal he named “Make in India.”

The government has paid incentives to companies producing goods in strategic sectors, budgeting over $26 billion, and tried to attract foreign investments in the name of reducing India’s dependence on Chinese imports. One of its goals was to create 100 million new manufacturing jobs by 2022.

There have been successes. The most eye-catching one is that Foxconn, the Taiwanese contract manufacturer, has started making iPhones for Apple in India, moving some work from China.

Yet the role of manufacturing in India over a decade has shrunk, relative to services and agriculture, from 15 percent of the economy to less than 13.

Manufacturing and the jobs it can bring are thought to be crucial to India’s rise as a global power. China, with an economy five times the size of India’s, is the biggest of the Asian countries to have sped toward prosperity by making and selling stuff the rest of the world wants to buy. But manufacturing accounts for a 25 percent share of most East Asian economies — twice as much as in India.

Public infrastructure has come a long way under Mr. Modi’s direction. But 10 years has not been enough time to train the country’s growing work force to match businesses’ needs. And the route remains bumpy when it comes to connecting India’s pockets of economic strength to one another.

Barely an hour from New Delhi on a new eight-lane elevated highway, the Rai Industrial Estate in Haryana occupies land that grew wheat and mustard crops earlier this century. Some of the factories on the dusty grid inside have been grinding out auto parts and processed foods for 20 years. Others are just starting, hoping for an imminent breakthrough.

Vikram Bathla, who in 2019 founded LiKraft, which manufactures lithium-ion batteries for vehicles, said access to technology was the most frustrating obstacle to his business. He depends heavily on imports, which need to be bought in bulk and take time to ship, and finds it difficult to hire the people he needs to do highly technical work.

“We can buy the equipment, and we do” — and most of it comes from China. “What we don’t have,” he said, “is the skilled workers to use it.” For five years, he said, he has been trying to catch up with competitors that started 15 years before him.

Mr. Bathla, tall, mild-mannered and English-speaking, paces among LiKraft’s 300 workers, most of them migrants from poorer Indian states, quietly bent over brightly lit benches, assembling batteries. They start with cells imported from China, some of them turquoise cylinders labeled “Made in Inner Mongolia.”

Other workers operate larger machines, also imported from China, to weld cells and electronic components into batteries. The finished products will be marked “Made in India.” But the supply chain is foreign.

It is not just a high-tech phenomenon. Another factory, half a mile away in the same industrial park, depends on foreign inputs, too.

AutoKame designs, cuts and sews car-seat covers for the Indian market. Its high-precision fabric cutters, with whirring, robotic arms, are imported from Germany and Italy. The synthetic fiber also has to be imported.

Expensive raw materials are only the tip of the iceberg, said Anil Bhardwaj, the secretary general of a trade organization for manufacturing businesses. Also contributing to the problem, he said, are the high cost of land, a shortage of the right kinds of engineers and a lack of good financing from banks. Many difficulties that he and other owners face are about inconsistent government policy and red tape, problems that have dogged Indian industry for many decades.

Mr. Bhardwaj also cited a less obvious need faced by manufacturers: a well-functioning justice system. India’s courts are slow and their rulings arbitrary, he said, putting small businesses like his colleagues’ at the mercy of larger firms that can afford better lawyers and political influence.

“That’s why people really fear the big companies in India,” he said.

Smaller companies can’t afford to confront them, or the politicians and regulators who accommodate them. India’s court system is so disastrously backed up — with more than 50 million cases pending — that any entanglement can turn deadly for a smaller player. So they avoid growing, and miss out on efficiencies of scale.

He and other experts acknowledge significant improvements in recent years. For instance, power, which was in short supply 10 years ago, has become plentiful in places like Haryana’s industrial parks, though it is not as reliable as the small factories there would like. Many government processes have been streamlined during Mr. Modi’s time in office.

And states have managed to replicate some parts of the production system that made China’s factories the world’s envy. A cluster of Apple suppliers in the state of Tamil Nadu is by some estimates producing 20 percent of the world’s iPhones. Until the past few years, nearly all were made in China.

Records from Tamil Nadu’s main airport show that in the weeks before Mr. Trump announced his 27 percent tariff, outbound shipments of electronics doubled, to more than 2,000 tons a month, as Apple and other companies stocked up. A decision on Friday by Mr. Trump to exclude smartphones and other electronics could tamp down the rush to ship iPhones to America.

Still, long-term changes are afoot. A person who works closely with Apple’s suppliers, who was not authorized to discuss their plans publicly, said the suppliers were hoping to ramp up production so India could make 30 percent of the world’s iPhones.

Mr. Khandelwal, the politician, said India was ready to seize the overnight advantage created by the 145 percent tariff against China across many industries, including electronics, auto parts, textiles and chemicals.

Smaller factory owners are eager for the same things. But they see big old Indian obstacles in their way, the very kind that have resisted reform for decades.



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What Are Rare Earth Metals, the Exports Halted by China?

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For years, the Chinese government has worked to control the export of rare earths, a group of metals used in an array of products, as common as semiconductors and lights. Now, in its trade war with the United States, China is moving to limit the market for these metals even further, which could have disastrous consequences for American manufacturing and military power. So, what exactly are these metals, and why are they so important?

There are 17 types of metals known as rare earths, which span the periodic table and are crucial to industries like technology, energy and transportation. With names like terbium, praseodymium and dysprosium, the metals are important ingredients for some of the most advanced technologies.

Rare earths can be sorted into two kinds: heavy and light. Heavy rare earths have a greater atomic weight and are typically more rare, meaning they sell in smaller quantities and are prone to shortages. Light metals, by contrast, have a lesser atomic weight. The two most important are neodymium and praseodymium, which are primarily used to create magnets.

The uses for rare earths are expansive: semiconductor chips that power artificial intelligence; the motors of electric vehicles; fighter jets and guided missiles used by the U.S. military; wind turbines; and LED lights found in millions of households, among others.

Many rare earths have chemical properties that make them heat resistant, so they can be used to create high-quality magnets, glass, lights and batteries. Magnets made from rare earths are significantly more powerful — and valuable — than other types, especially in electric car production.

The United States has just one operational rare earths mine, in Mountain Pass, Calif., which produces around 15 percent of global rare earths.

It wasn’t always this way. In the 1980s, the United States was a leader in rare earth production, accounting for around a third of the global market. But in tandem with a decades-long effort by China to take control of the market, the share of rare earth production in the United States slowly declined until it nearly ceased to exist in the early 2000s.

Rare earths are mined from rock deposits in the earth’s crust. With nearly 70 percent of the market, China is able to control the export and price of the metals sold around the world. About 90 percent of rare earth magnets are produced in China, and 99.9 percent of the world’s dysprosium, which the chipmaker Nvidia uses to create capacitors, is mined in China.

In recent years, rare earths have become an increasingly important geopolitical tool. The Trump administration has sought to broker a deal to acquire mineral-rich Ukraine’s rare earths in exchange for military support. The administration has also talked about an outright takeover of Greenland, in part because of its rich rare earth supply.

Without an adequate supply of rare earths, American manufacturing for sectors like the automotive industry would grind to a halt. Some American companies have been stockpiling rare earths for years in anticipation of a trade war, but it’s unclear how long those supplies would last if China cut off exports.

It could also affect the strategic goals of the U.S. military, which without rare earths could wind up with shortages of drones, missiles and aircraft. Tech manufacturers like Nvidia, whose chips are already in short supply, could also be affected, along with smartphone makers like Apple.

While many rare earth mining operations in China were for years private or even foreign-owned, the Chinese government has consolidated control over the industry by acquiring the largest local miners with state-owned companies, giving it total control over manufacturing and exporting.



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Airport Was Given Bird Strike Warning Days Before South Korea’s Deadly Crash

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The latest warning came 10 days before the deadliest air crash in South Korea.

A dozen officials gathered inside a room at Muan International Airport for a meeting of a bird strike prevention committee, where they discussed the number of aircraft being hit by birds, with data showing a jump in incidents over the past couple of years.

One official, from one of the country’s aviation training institutes, expressed concern that planes coming in to land often encountered flocks of birds by the coastline, according to a record of the meeting obtained by a lawmaker. To what extent is it possible to keep the birds away? the official asked.

The answer wasn’t reassuring. There weren’t enough people and cars deployed at the airport to keep birds away, and sounds from loudspeakers used to broadcast noises to scare birds off weren’t strong enough to reach far enough beyond the airport, said an official from the company that managed the airport’s facilities. He noted that they “were trying their best.”

Then, on Dec. 29, the pilot of Jeju Air Flight 2216 declared “Mayday! Mayday! Mayday!” and told air traffic controllers there had been a bird strike as the plane was making its descent. After making a sharp turn, the jet landed on its belly, slid down the runway and rammed into a concrete barrier, exploding into a fireball that killed 179 of the 181 people on board.

Investigators have not identified the reasons for the crash and what role, if any, a bird strike might have played. But the country’s transport ministry said bird feathers and blood were found in both of the jet’s engines. The remains were identified as being from the Baikal teal, a migratory duck common to South Korea in winter that often flies in flocks of up to tens or even hundreds of thousands.

The Dec. 19 meeting was not the first warning airport operators had received about birds. The dangers had been flagged for decades, dating back to even before the Muan airport opened in 2007, according to a New York Times examination of thousands of pages of government documents, interviews with dozens of people, and a visit to the wetlands surrounding the airport in the country’s southwest. Environmental assessments in 1998 and 2008 also noted there were many species of birds living close to the airport.

Most starkly, in 2020, when the airport began renovations that would include the extension of its runway, South Korea’s Environmental Impact Assessment service said there was “a high risk of bird strikes during takeoff and landing.” It advised that measures were needed to reduce the risk.

The Korea Airports Corporation said in response to questions from The Times that to prevent bird strikes it had used vehicles and noise makers to disperse flocks of birds and had conducted environmental surveys to monitor the airport’s surrounding habitats. The company said more loudspeakers were installed on airport premises after the meeting on Dec. 19.

But like most smaller airports in South Korea, Muan still lacked thermal imaging cameras and bird detection radar used to alert air traffic controllers and pilots to the presence of birds, according to the government.

Airports everywhere are advised to have such measures in place, according to guidelines from the International Civil Aviation Organization, a United Nations agency that sets global standards for the aviation industry.

“The regulations are there, but people have been breaking them without any repercussions,” says Dr. Nial Moores, the national director of Birds Korea, a bird conservation group. “They were warned about the risk of a bird strike,” he added. “How come nothing has changed?”

In addition to failing to follow international guidelines, the airport’s operators also breached domestic safety regulations.

On the day of the crash in Muan, only one person was on duty to watch out for birds, instead of a minimum of two that government rules require, according to lawmakers at a parliamentary committee hearing into the disaster.

That bird patroller was at the end of a 15-hour night shift, the period when the vast majority of bird strikes take place, according to a presentation by Moon Geum-joo, a lawmaker, at the committee hearing. Joo Jong-wan, the head of the transport ministry’s aviation policy, conceded that the airport’s patrol was understaffed and said all airports would meet the minimum staffing in the future.

The Korea Airports Corporation said it had adhered to government standards and was hiring more staff to prevent bird collisions. The transport ministry declined to comment.

In addition, at least one person required to attend the meeting of the bird strike prevention committee had missed the one on Dec. 19, an official from the Korea Airports Corporation acknowledged at the parliamentary hearing. The state-owned company operates almost all of South Korea’s airports, including the one in Muan.

“It’s a shame that they have known about their shortcomings for years, but nothing has actually been done to improve,” said Kwon Hyang-Yup, an opposition lawmaker who obtained the bird safety committee report.

While airplane strikes with wildlife are not uncommon, most don’t cause planes to crash. Out of nearly 20,000 wildlife strikes in the United States in 2023, around 4 percent caused damage to the plane.

Since the crash, South Korea’s government has pledged 247 billion won (around $170 million) over three years to improve bird-strike prevention measures at all the country’s airports. Planned measures include installing bird detection devices and implementing a national radar model to alert people in control towers, patrollers on the ground and pilots to the presence of birds.

Some experts ask whether the Muan airport should have been built at all because of the abundance of birds in the wetlands surrounding it. The airport has at least twice reported the highest number of bird strikes out of the country’s 15 airports over the past five years, with six cases in 2024, up from two the previous year.

Its rate of bird strikes was 10 times that of Incheon International Airport, the nation’s largest, according to data released by Ms. Kwon, the lawmaker. Incheon, which also lies close to bird habitats, has identified almost 100 species of birds in its vicinity. It has four thermal imaging cameras, two devices that emit bird-repelling noises, and 48 workers assigned to bird control, according to an airport representative.

Ju Yung-Ki, a researcher and conservationist who has visited the Muan area repeatedly in recent years, was working in his office on Dec. 29 when he learned about the plane crash.

“I had always thought there was a risk of a bird strike there,” said Mr. Ju, the director of the Ecoculture Institute. Mr. Ju had flown in and out of the Muan airport several times, despite his concerns.

After hearing news of the crash, he traveled around 70 miles from his home in Jeonju, northeast of Muan, to a lake near the airport and arrived around 4:30 p.m. He could see the charred tail of the plane and the wreckage at the end of the runway. “It was horrific,” he said, adding that he shed tears thinking about the people who had died.

As that afternoon progressed, he also located flocks of up to 300,000 Baikal teals around 18 miles from the airport. They fly at least that distance to search for food, and he observed with binoculars and a telescope that the airport was in their daily flight path.

The Baikal teal isn’t particularly big, at around 16 inches long with an eight-inch wingspan. But the ducks move in large, agile flocks that can reach as many as a million in number, said Dr. Moores of Birds Korea. They breed in Siberia and arrive on the southwestern coast of South Korea in October and stay through early March.

Muan, almost 200 miles south of Seoul, lies among the marshy grasslands and reservoirs across the southwestern peninsula, where the duck and other species of birds roost in pockets of calm water. Local business owners said that flocks of birds were most often seen at a country club near the airport; around four miles away.

An enforcement regulation attached to South Korea’s Airport Facilities Act in 2017 stipulates that an airport cannot be built within eight kilometers, or about five miles, of a bird sanctuary or game reserve. But, according to the nation’s environment ministry, there is only one such sanctuary in Muan, and that lies about 12 miles from the airport.

Conservationists say the reality is different. They say the term sanctuary — classified as a collective habitat and breeding ground for endangered wildlife — ignores many of the region’s populous bird habitats. A map by the Korean Office of Civil Aviation identifies four areas surrounding the Muan airport where birds feed and roost.

Some of those spots are as close as a little over a mile from the airport. On one morning in February, hundreds of birds flew overhead at around this distance. Larger birds flew in a “V” formation, while smaller ones wove in and out in an aerial dance.

“It’s not a matter of whether the Muan International Airport is near a sanctuary or not,” Mr. Ju said. “The fact is that there are a lot of birds that live there.”

The decision on whether an area is a sanctuary lies with the mayor or governor, according to South Korea’s Wildlife Protection and Management Act. There are around 400 of these protected areas nationwide, according to the Ministry of Environment.

Experts say that no matter how many preventive efforts are undertaken, bird strikes cannot be totally eliminated. “The obvious thing is not to build an airport where there are a lot of birds,” said Keith Mackey, an American aviation expert and safety consultant based in Ocala, Fla.

Other methods that could be deployed to deter birds include using brightly colored paint on the runway and drones to disperse nearby flocks, Mr. Mackey said.

Muan’s airport has been closed since the Dec. 29 crash and will not resume commercial flights until April 18 at the earliest. The airport recently resumed medical and training flights.

South Korea has ambitious plans to build 10 airports over the next few decades in response to booming regional demand for increased overseas travel. Several will also be along the western coastline. One is of particular concern to conservationists: in Saemangeum, about 65 miles north of Muan.

The proposed airport, which is scheduled to open in 2029, lies within four miles of the Seocheon Tidal Flat, a UNESCO Heritage Site that is home to dozens of nationally protected wildlife species including birds, according to Kim Nahee, an activist who is protesting against the construction of the new airport.

Officials in North Jeolla Province, where Saemangeum is, said “there was no infrastructure that would disturb the flight path of birds,” citing an analysis it had received from government environmental agency’s analysis.

“They shouldn’t have built the Muan International Airport where they did,” Ms. Kim said. “This can’t happen again.”



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JD Vance Drops Ohio State’s Championship Trophy During White House Celebration

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Vice President JD Vance dropped the College Football Playoff national championship trophy during an event on the White House South Lawn on Monday, an ill-timed fumble that he laughed about later after it had spread across social media.

As the ceremony honoring the champion Ohio State Buckeyes came to an end, Mr. Vance — a former senator from Ohio who graduated from Ohio State — tried to lift the trophy, which was on a table onstage.

TreVeyon Henderson, a Buckeyes running back, stepped in to help, grabbing the top of the trophy as Mr. Vance lifted the base. As the men hoisted it off the table, the trophy split in two and Mr. Vance dropped the base, which fell to the ground. Mr. Henderson and another player managed to hold onto the top of the trophy.

According to the College Football Playoff website, the trophy consists of separate components — a 12-inch bronze base, and a 26-and-a-half-inch trophy made from 24-karat gold, bronze and stainless steel.

Together, the pieces weigh 50 pounds, the Ohio State Athletic Department said on social media in January, three days after the Buckeyes defeated Notre Dame to win the title.

After the base fell, some in the crowd gasped, while others laughed or clapped. Mr. Vance joked about the incident on social media.

“I didn’t want anyone after Ohio State to get the trophy so I decided to break it,” Mr. Vance said.

It was hardly the first championship trophy calamity.

In 2006, after the tennis star Maria Sharapova won the U.S. Open, the top of the trophy popped off when she hoisted it above her head. (The announcer Dick Enberg called it her first unforced error of the night.)

In 2011, as the soccer club Real Madrid celebrated its Copa del Rey victory over Barcelona, a player dropped the trophy from the upper level of an open double-decker bus, which ran over the cup and smashed it into pieces.

And two years ago, at a ceremony after the Hungarian Grand Prix, the British racing driver Lando Norris slammed a bottle of sparkling wine on a table onstage, sending the trophy of the race winner, Max Verstappen, tumbling to the ground.



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Rory McIlroy won the Masters, finally. The roars told the story

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AUGUSTA, Ga. — A concoction of sweaty bodies and long-lens cameras was deadlocked in the upper left-hand corner of the No. 15 grandstand at Augusta National as Rory McIlroy’s 7-foot eagle putt slid underneath the cup. At that point in the day, the phoneless Masters Tournament patrons were not unfamiliar with the sound of thousands of simultaneous groans. Hearing and participating in them repeatedly, however, was not getting any easier.

A Green Jacket stood up out of his plastic bleacher seat in a frenzy.

“I can’t take much more of this,” the gentleman uttered. He bee-lined toward the steep downward staircase, his sons close behind, fumbling to button the coat that only a select group can sport on this property.

Until it actually happened, McIlroy’s chase of the career Grand Slam and the end to his 11-year major championship drought felt more like if you took the most nauseating roller coaster on earth and increased its speed tenfold. Or stuck yourself in a blender and turned it to the highest setting, making the table shake.

An opening double bogey, a water ball into Rae’s Creek with a wedge in hand, the first sudden-death playoff in the Masters since 2017 — McIlroy gave Augusta National the show it didn’t know it wanted. The patrons on site still aren’t sure that’s what they would have signed up for. Sunday was a ticketed heart attack.

“My battle today was with myself. It wasn’t with anyone else,” McIlroy said Sunday evening, a 38 Regular green jacket slung over his shoulders. “You know, at the end there, it was with Justin (Rose), but my battle today was with my mind and staying in the present.

“I’d like to say that I did a better job of it than I did. It was a struggle, but I got it over the line.”

It might have been an internal waging of the wars for McIlroy, but all of Augusta National felt it with him. They leaned with the wayward drives, hustled to catch a glimpse of the gravity-defying escape routes, and hoped — oh, did they hope — every time the putter face made contact with the golf ball it would find a hole. Just this one, Rory.

Rotation by rotation, they held their breath.

Then, a final roar that could only mean one thing: sweet, sweet relief.


In his 1975 Masters file for Sports Illustrated, the great Dan Jenkins wrote: “There is an old saying that the real Masters doesn’t begin until the back nine on Sunday.” That was 50 Masters ago. It’s still true.

This back nine of the 89th Masters began with a semblance of something that you can never trust at the place: comfort. It is almost always a mirage.

No. 10 crushed McIlroy’s Masters dreams 14 years ago as a naive 21-year-old. Sunday morning, McIlroy opened his locker to a note from Angel Cabrera, the 2009 champion who played with McIlroy that day.


Patrons surrounded Rory McIlroy all day. (Richard Heathcote / Getty Images)

The drive on No. 10 was demonless. The ensuing birdie putt to take a four-shot lead? Electrifying. Patrons surrounded the 10th green and 11th fairway 30 deep, peering through tree branches and shuffling around aimlessly to find a gap where they could see something. Anything. Amen Corner lurked. Lest they all knew, the rug was about to be ripped out from underneath the Northern Irishman.

It all happened in a blur. A bogey on No. 11 — a number that could have been a lot bigger. A par at No. 12. A 3-wood off the tee at No. 13, McIlroy playing it safe with a four-shot lead.

There’s no tighter part of the property for patrons than Amen Corner, tens of thousands pressed together to watch as McIlroy’s ball flew through the air once, then twice. He stood with a wedge in his hands from 82 yards. If he was going to screw this all up, it wasn’t going to be here, with all of Georgia to the left side of the green. Right?

McIlroy’s ball tumbled into the creek. He bent his spine in half and threw his hands onto his knees. There had been plenty of triumphant patron responses at that point in the day. Here, in Amen Corner’s final chapter, the gasps returned. They did not stop.

First, McIlroy’s red 13 came off the nearby manual leaderboard and was replaced by a somber 11. He paused, waiting an additional moment before heading over the 14th tee, almost as if he knew it was coming. Rose suddenly had his 10 switched out for an 11.

Tie score.

No Masters champion has ever won the green jacket with four double bogeys. Is that the kind of history McIlroy was going to make?

Every time it looked as though McIlroy had thrown away the golf tournament for good, he followed it with a shot, a moment, even a bounce in his step that added up to the opposite. He looked like he was in cruise control until the emergency brakes hit. The patrons’ fists in the air were coupled with sunburned faces buried in hands. More new red numbers caused a stir. McIlroy threw another dart. Birdie-par-birdie. Triumph? No. Closing bogey. There it was. All of it would come down to this. A sudden-death playoff against his Ryder Cup teammate, Rose.

Harry Diamond, McIlroy’s caddie and best friend since age 7, looked at his player as they headed to the golf cart that would bring the pair back to the 18th tee box once again.

“Well, pal, we would have taken this on Monday morning,” he said.

The jostled Augusta National audience did not agree. The anguish was becoming unbearable, borderline exhausting, but also the best Masters of the modern era. Either way, it needed to end. McIlroy needed to put himself — and everyone else — out of their misery.


Walk through the white and gold doors of the Augusta National clubhouse, up a winding staircase and through a quaint but decadent dining room, and you’ll find yourself on a porch. It overlooks the giant oak tree, the iconic rows of green and white umbrellas, and in the distance, if you crane your neck just enough, No. 18 green.

But today that view was clouded by a sea of anxious bodies. On the ground, some proposed starting a game of “telephone” to communicate the play-by-play on the green.

Up on the porch, you can rotate 180 degrees and you’re facing a row of white window panes. They lead to a 35-inch television, the only piece of modern technology in a 100-yard radius. A strange combination of Green Jacket wearers, off-duty broadcasters and confused writers gathered around to watch the playoff. Patrick Reed dipped in to order an Azalea cocktail. The incoming USGA president showed up. Everyone was too nervous to utter a word. No one did.

A sound of this force cannot be tape-delayed.  All of Augusta National felt McIlroy’s energy release after that 4-foot birdie putt dropped. And by the look of him — collapsing onto his knees and convulsing with sobs — he felt it, too.

One of the most chaotic final rounds of recent memory ended with pure emotion, a release appropriate for the sixth man to complete the career Grand Slam, and McIlroy shut down a narrative he wondered whether he’d ever escape.

“It was all relief. There wasn’t much joy in that reaction. It was all relief,” McIlroy said after the round, laughing. “And then, you know, the joy came pretty soon after that. But that was — I’ve been coming here 17 years, and it was a decade-plus of emotion that came out of me there.”

We know, Rory. We know.

(Top photo: Harry How / Getty Images)



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