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In South Carolina, a Once Thriving Textile Hub Is Baffled by Trump’s Tariffs

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In the 1970s, when the Upstate region of South Carolina was known as the textile capital of the world, Adolphus Jones would clock in for grueling summer shifts at one of the many mills in Union, his hometown.

Trains roared around him, transporting materials around the country. Chimney stacks on the red brick mills stretched dozens of feet high, like flag poles. This was textile country, and the cities of Union, Spartanburg and Greenville were at the heart of it.

By the end of the 1990s, automation and cheaper labor overseas took the industry away from the state. Union’s economy cratered, as did most of the region’s. But leaving Sunday church service on a recent afternoon, Mr. Jones, now 71 and retired, scoffed at President Trump’s vision of an American manufacturing revival through tariffs. The mill work had paid little, Mr. Jones recalled, and upward mobility was nonexistent.

“The textile industry is dead,” he said, buttoning his wool suit made in Italy. “Why would you want to bring it back here? Truthfully, why would the younger generation want to work there?”

Since taking office, Mr. Trump has imposed and suspended tariffs on imports at breakneck speed, with the goal of forcing companies to bring manufacturing back to the United States.

This week, he abruptly paused reciprocal tariffs for the next three months on some of America’s largest trading partners, dropping levels to a universal 10 percent, while exponentially raising tariffs on Chinese exports (though on Friday night he appeared to exempt many electronics like smartphones from most of those punishing tariffs on China).

But Mr. Trump’s goals have clashed with the current economic reality in places like Spartanburg and Greenville, S.C., heavily Republican areas where foreign companies have turned the onetime textile hubs into wealthy, industrial heavyweights. Should those levies go back into effect, locals worry that they will threaten the very businesses that saved the region, home to some 1.5 million residents, all to revive a bygone industry that few people miss.

Many retirees still remember what it was like to work in the textile mills. It had a negative connotation, said Rosemary Rice, 70, with some workers derogatively called “lint heads” because they would come home covered in cotton shreds. Many developed “brown lung disease,” or byssinosis, a respiratory condition caused by ingesting dust particles from fabric materials.

“I wouldn’t want my son working there,” said Ms. Rice, who lives in Union.

Today, companies like BMW and Michelin — from Germany and France — are the economic engines of the region. Since BMW opened its plant in Spartanburg County in the early ’90s, it has invested more than $14.8 billion into its South Carolina operations. The plant has more than 11,000 jobs, its largest single production facility in the world, according to the company. And it is the country’s largest car exporter by value, with $10 billion in shipments last year.

So the local business community was stunned when the White House’s top trade adviser, Peter Navarro, attacked BMW’s manufacturing process in an interview this week. He told CNBC on Monday that “this business model where BMW and Mercedes come into Spartanburg, S.C., and have us assemble German engines and Austrian transmissions — that doesn’t work for America. It’s bad for our economics. It’s bad for our national security.”

“There was widespread bewilderment in our community about that,” said Carlos Phillips, the president and chief executive of the Greenville Chamber of Commerce.

In response to Mr. Navarro’s comments, South Carolina’s governor, Henry McMaster, told reporters this week that ever since BMW arrived in the state with well-paying jobs, other companies had followed suit and “sent the word out around the world that this is a great manufacturing state.”

“They’ve done a lot of good for South Carolina,” Mr. McMaster, a Republican, said of BMW. Still, the governor has spoken positively about Mr. Trump’s tariffs, saying that he agreed with the president’s goal to make the United States more self-sufficient.

Business leaders have attributed the region’s success partly to South Carolina’s staunchly anti-union stance, and its legacy of a work force familiar with manufacturing. Last year, the governor drew the ire of labor organizers when he criticized unions in his State of the State address, saying, “We’ve gotten where we are without them.”

Now, leaders say that waging a trade war could undermine future recruitment of international investments and risk losing the jobs that are already in the region.

If tariffs raise prices on products and BMW’s sales drastically drop, they said, there’s a higher chance of layoffs at the Spartanburg plant. And it is difficult to imagine how cheap fabric or yarn manufacturing, the kind made in factories in Vietnam, Cambodia and China, could meaningfully fill the gaps, they added.

John Lummus, the president of Upstate SC Alliance, an economic development group, said that the region’s standard of living “has gone up so much more, that unless those companies are much more niche we’re not going to see companies come back and making T-shirts.”

In 1970, when there were dozens of textile manufacturers in Spartanburg, Mr. Lummus said, the per capita personal income in Spartanburg was about $3,250 — about $25,000 today, after adjusting for inflation. Today, he said, it is about $56,000.

David Britt, vice chair of the Spartanburg County Council and a Republican who has helped recruit businesses to the county since the ’90s, including BMW, put the prospect of a textile revival more bluntly: “It will never come back.”

Remnants of the old world are still visible: In Greenville, Judson Mill was turned into an 800,000-square-foot complex with apartments and retail space. It has an ax-throwing venue and an indoor playground for families. In Spartanburg, Beaumont Mill was transformed into offices for the Spartanburg Regional Healthcare System.

Union, which has about 8,000 residents and is about an hour drive from Spartanburg and Greenville, has not fared nearly as well. The sprawling Monarch Mill sits abandoned and for sale near downtown. Weeds have grown and crawled across the building. Less than a mile away is a faded, cracked mural depicting a train with smiling mill workers riding it.

Harold E. Thompson, the mayor of Union, said that when the mills completely left in the ’90s, the unemployment rate rose to about 22 percent. Many residents went to work in other towns, including Spartanburg, where the BMW plant was just opening. Others in the twilight of their lives tried to get by on unemployment benefits.

“It clawed out a big notch in our economy, and it took us awhile to get it back,” Mr. Thompson said.

In recent years, Union County has successfully recruited renewable power companies, bioscience and medical employers, and a Dollar General distribution center that employs nearly a thousand people. The mayor said he was interested in recruiting more well-paying jobs in an effort to curb its 26 percent poverty rate.

The textile industry continues to have a minor footprint in the region, but those companies now mostly focus on specialized products, such as fire-retardant or “Sunbrella” fabrics.

Chris Cole, a professor emerita of materials science and engineering at Clemson University, says manufacturing has evolved to the point where it may not even be called textiles. Arthrex Manufacturing in Pendleton, S.C., for example, makes surgical sutures, or threads that surgeons use for stitches, but they are not considered a textile company because the end product is medical, Ms. Cole said.

Some residents do welcome the possible return of a textile industry, but one that is more modern and high-tech.

“With the automation now and better working conditions, I think it would really be attractive to a lot of kids coming out of school who don’t want to go to college,” said Don Harkins, the chairman of the Greenville Textile Heritage Society.

Leroy Spencer, a retiree in Union whose sister used to work in a mill decades ago, said that “if Trump can bring that back, it would be amazing, and I think the economy would pick up around here and get better.”

But building those mills would still require bringing in materials from overseas, which, if Mr. Trump’s aims are realized, would be subject to tariffs and more expensive. “It’s very convoluted,” Ms. Cole said.

For Mr. Jones, who before retiring went on to work at Spartanburg Community College teaching job placement and helping people find work, the whole tariff back and forth has been baffling.

When he worked in a plant decades ago, he made tassels for graduation caps. Now, he says, more of Union’s next generation should be wearing those caps — not making them.

“Why would we want to go back?” he asked.

Audio produced by Adrienne Hurst.



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The Real ID Deadline Is Coming. Here’s What You Need to Know.

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For years, the U.S. government has warned travelers they will soon need a Real ID to board domestic flights, only to keep postponing the deadline. But “soon” appears to be real this time.

As of May 7, a standard driver’s license or state ID will no longer pass muster at airport security checkpoints, the Department of Homeland Security says. Passengers will instead need to present a security-enhanced, star-emblazoned Real ID or another approved form of identification like a passport.

The change, nearly 20 years in the making, is meant to enhance security by setting a more consistent standard for state-issued documentation, according to the Department of Homeland Security.

Here’s what you need to know about the coming deadline.

A Real ID is a federally compliant state-issued driver’s license, learner’s permit or nondriver ID. Real IDs are marked with a star — generally gold or black — and vary in appearance by state or territory.

Any resident of a U.S. state or territory who wishes to use a driver’s license or nondriver ID at a T.S.A. checkpoint must make sure that it is Real ID-compliant. Driver’s licenses that do not have the star are not Real IDs. Some noncompliant IDs will also have the words “Federal limits apply.”

The percentage of Americans who have updated their driver’s licenses to be Real ID compliant appears to vary widely by state. For example, in Pennsylvania, where there have been reports of long lines at license offices, it is a little more than 26 percent, the state’s Transportation Department said. In California, it is just over 55 percent.

The hijackers responsible for the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks were carrying U.S. driver’s licenses and state IDs. In the aftermath, the government pushed to tighten national standards for state-issued documentation, and in 2005, Congress passed the Real ID Act.

The act sets minimum standards for licenses and other types of identification cards. Enforcement of the Real ID Act was initially set to begin in 2008, but it has been repeatedly delayed for numerous reasons, including the Covid-19 pandemic and opposition from states concerned about privacy.

No. Regular Real IDs will get you on domestic flights, but they will not let you cross international borders, including those with Canada and Mexico. They can’t be used for international cruises, either. You will still almost always need a passport for such trips.

A handful of states — Minnesota, Michigan, New York, Washington and Vermont — offer enhanced driver’s licenses. These licenses, which comply with Real ID requirements to board domestic flights, also allow travelers to cross land and sea borders to Canada, Mexico, Bermuda and the Caribbean without a passport.

Enhanced licenses display an American flag instead of a star. The flag’s location on the card varies by state.

Enhanced licenses can’t be used in lieu of a passport if you’re traveling internationally by air, and only U.S. citizens can get them. The cost varies by state. In Minnesota, for example, it’s an additional $15; in New York, it’s $30 more.

The T.S.A. also accepts certain other forms of identification at airport security checkpoints. These include valid passports, passport cards, permanent resident cards (also known as green cards) and cards for trusted traveler programs like Global Entry and NEXUS, which allows prescreened travelers to transit quickly across the United States-Canada border.

To apply for a Real ID, you’ll generally need to provide a Social Security number or proof of ineligibility, corroborate your address through documents like utility bills or bank statements, and verify your identity and lawful status through a handful of additional documents, including a birth certificate or a passport.

Check your state’s driver’s licensing agency website to find out how to apply and learn more about the specific documentation you’ll need.

Getting a Real ID most likely involves making an in-person appointment, which might take a while. There are reports of long lines at licensing offices across states, including Pennsylvania and Kentucky. New York is extending service hours at select offices and boosting the number of appointments to meet demand.

In many states, including South Carolina and New York, there is no additional cost to receive a Real ID if you’re already renewing your license. But some states charge extra. Pennsylvania, for example, charges a one-time $30 fee in addition to the cost of renewal, the first time you upgrade to Real ID.

The T.S.A. doesn’t require those under 18 to show identification for domestic travel. Individual airlines have their own policies about what types of ID minors are required to carry.

For international travel, children of all ages are required to carry passports.

Not necessarily, but they may face holdups.

This year, the T.S.A. published a final rule allowing a phased two-year transition to full enforcement of Real ID, citing delays in making state IDs compliant with the rules. However, a T.S.A. spokesperson said on Friday that the agency had decided that the phased approach was not necessary and that full enforcement would begin on May 7.

Still, the T.S.A. continues to have general guidance on its website that passengers who don’t bring accepted forms of identification to the airport may still be allowed to fly, after an additional identity verification.


Follow New York Times Travel on Instagram and sign up for our Travel Dispatch newsletter to get expert tips on traveling smarter and inspiration for your next vacation. Dreaming up a future getaway or just armchair traveling? Check out our 52 Places to Go in 2025.





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What Spring? Snow Blankets the Northeast.


Residents across a broad stretch of the Northeast woke up on Saturday to snow blanketing backyards and frosting trees, just as the pastel colors of Easter promised that spring was near.

An area stretching from around Albany, N.Y., to Maine experienced moderate snowfall, mostly from two to five inches, overnight Friday into Saturday morning, according to the National Weather Service. And while spring technically started on March 20, snowfall at this time of year is far from rare.

“In upstate New York, you know, a couple inches here and there is certainly not unheard-of, even in the early spring,” said Abbey Gant, a meteorologist with the Weather Service office in Albany.

While the Weather Service reported a trace of snow at LaGuardia Airport, there were no reports of snow in other parts of New York City.

In Maine, where two to five inches of snow had fallen by Saturday morning, Michael Clair, a Weather Service meteorologist, said that the snow was “nothing we haven’t seen before.”

It’s also something the state might see again before warmer weather moves in.

“It’s still too early to say we’re done for sure,” Mr. Clair said. “This is sort of what our spring looks like. It’s a mix of things.”

Snow was expected to continue through Saturday, tapering off as the day progressed, before the region dries out next week, forecasters said.

For Jill Woodworth, 58, who grew up in Connecticut and has lived in Orange, Mass., for the past 25 years, waking up to snow in April can be routine, but it’s still shocking.

In Orange, Mass., snow in April is not necessarily unusual but can still come as a bit of a shock, one resident said.Credit…Jill Woodworth

“I’ve lived in this area for most of my life, and it’s not unusual, but it’s just like, ‘Oh my God,’” Ms. Woodworth said. “It feels like it’s been a long ramp up to spring with the flowers and the trees.”

Ms. Woodworth said she remembered past Aprils when up to two feet of snow had fallen. This time around, she estimated that only about two inches had dusted her backyard, with no need to shovel any snow.

“I’ll brush off the car, though,” she said, “before I go get Dunkin’.”

Amy Graff contributed reporting.



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Sudan Clinic Workers Killed in Zamzam Camp

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Sudanese paramilitaries killed the entire staff of the last medical clinic in a famine-stricken camp in the western region of Darfur, Sudan, as part of a broader assault that killed at least 100 people, aid groups and the United Nations said on Saturday.

The assault on the Zamzam camp, which holds 500,000 people in the besieged city of El Fasher, was notable even by the standards of a civil war that has seen countless atrocities as well as accusations of genocide.

Paramilitaries with the Rapid Support Forces, or R.S.F., broke through the camp perimeter on Friday evening after hours of shelling. They then destroyed hundreds of homes and the camp’s main market before turning their attack on the camp’s last remaining medical clinic, according to Relief International, the aid group that runs the facility.

Nine hospital employees were killed, including the head doctor, the aid group said in a statement on Saturday. “We have learned the unthinkable,” the statement said. “This is a profound tragedy for our organization.”

Kashif Shafique, the group’s Sudan director, said in a phone interview that the aid workers — five medics and four drivers, his entire staff at the clinic — had been shot dead.

Paramilitaries had warned the medics to leave the day before the attack, Mr. Shafique said. But they had to treat civilians wounded by shelling and, in any event, the main routes out of the camp were closed.

“There was no way out,” he said.

The R.S.F. has been battling Sudan’s military since April 2023, in a sprawling conflict that has caused the world’s largest humanitarian crisis. As many as 150,000 Sudanese have been killed, according to U.S. estimates, and 13 million have been forced from their homes.

The head of the United Nations in Sudan, Clementine Nkweta-Salami, said she was “appalled and gravely alarmed” by the violence in El Fasher, which continued into Saturday. At least 20 children were among 100 people killed, she said.

Satellite images posted on Friday by the Humanitarian Research Lab at the Yale School of Public Health showed military vehicles near the camp and fires burning inside it. The group called it “the most significant ground-based attack” on Zamzam camp in a year.

The escalating violence comes days before a major international conference on Sudan that is scheduled to take place in London on Tuesday, the second anniversary of the war. The purpose of the conference is to attract funds for Sudan’s severe humanitarian crisis. So far, donors have committed to just 10 percent of a $4.2 billion appeal by the United Nations.

The conference has stoked criticism from some Sudanese because it will be attended by delegates from the United Arab Emirates, which has been accused of providing military and financial support to the R.S.F.

Human Rights Watch urged the U.N. Security Council to impose sanctions on R.S.F. commanders responsible for abuses, and to condemn “countries providing support to parties in violation of the ongoing U.N. arms embargo.”

“Global leaders need to act,” the organization said in a statement.

Both sides in Sudan’s war have been accused of war crimes by right groups, the United Nations and the United States, although only the R.S.F. has been accused of genocide. Sudan’s military has regularly been accused of indiscriminately bombing crowded markets, often in the Darfur region, in multiple incidents that have sometimes killed more than 100 people at a time.

Earlier this month, the top United Nations human rights official, Volker Türk, said he was “utterly appalled” by reports of widespread summary executions of civilians in the capital, Khartoum, following the city’s recapture by the Sudanese military.

On March 24, the military killed at least 54 people in an attack on a busy market in Toura, a small town in North Darfur.

Most of Darfur, however, is held by the R.S.F., which has been laying siege for more than a year to El Fasher, the last major city in the region that it does not control. It had been expected to step up the assault in recent weeks, since R.S.F. forces were expelled from Khartoum by the military in late March.

There were signs for days before Friday’s violence that a major attack was imminent.

Video of the R.S.F. deputy leader Abdul Rahim Dagalo mobilizing his forces in the area circulated on social media. On Thursday, the R.S.F. began to shell Abu Shouk, another camp in the north of the city, killing at least 12 people, according to local rescue workers.

The fighters also began to attack Zamzam camp with artillery, gunfire and drones, according to aid groups and local activists. A famine was officially declared at the camp last August.

A Sudanese research group, Fikra for Studies and Development, urged the U.N. to begin airdrops of food to Zamzam.

American officials have repeatedly warned of a possible ethnic massacre if the R.S.F. overruns El Fasher. Similar violence against the ethnic Masalit group in late 2023 led to thousands of deaths and was central to the U.S. decision in January to accuse the R.S.F. of genocide.

Abdalrahman Altayeb contributed reporting from Port Sudan, Sudan.



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Football latest: Bayern Munich slip up as Dortmund fight back to earn point

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Football latest: Bayern Munich slip up as Dortmund fight back to earn point



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Tech C.E.O.s Spent Millions Courting Trump. It Has Yet to Pay Off.

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The biggest technology companies and their chief executives donated millions to President Trump’s inauguration, hosted black-tie parties and dinners in his honor, and allowed him to announce and take credit for new multibillion-dollar manufacturing projects.

But less than three months into the president’s second term, Mr. Trump has hardly returned their lavish gestures with favors.

The sweeping tariffs he imposed last week will squeeze Apple’s iPhone supply chain and make it much more expensive for Amazon, Meta, Google and Microsoft to build supercomputers to power artificial intelligence. The president has slashed federal funding for research into emerging technologies like A.I. and quantum computing. His immigration clampdown has incited fears that he will cut off pipelines for tech talent.

The Trump administration has also signaled that it will continue an aggressive regulatory stance on reining in the power of the biggest tech companies, beginning next week with a landmark antitrust trial to break up Meta, the owner of Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp.

Since the inauguration, the combined market value of Amazon, Apple, Google, Meta and Microsoft has fallen 14.6 percent to $11.3 trillion. And the tech-heavy Nasdaq index is down 15.3 percent.

The efforts to court Mr. Trump are a far stretch from the industry’s approach to his first administration, when many tech leaders were openly hostile toward the president. With an about-face and flattery, executives hoped this time around that Mr. Trump might show tech more deference, including it in his efforts to deregulate industries like energy and autos.

Instead, the genuflection of Silicon Valley’s top leaders may be a misreading of how to succeed in Mr. Trump’s Washington, according to Democratic and Republican policy experts.

The relationship that tech executives have with the president has been a “one-way street,” said Gigi Sohn, a former senior adviser to the Federal Communications Commission under the Obama administration. “They give him everything, and he promises nothing, which in this case is a good thing.”

That hasn’t stopped them from trying. Last week, Meta’s chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, was at the White House to try to persuade the administration to settle the Federal Trade Commission’s antitrust lawsuit against Meta. Tech leaders including Sundar Pichai, the chief executive of Google, have also visited the White House in recent weeks.

The companies have said that they want to engage with Mr. Trump on a variety of issues and that they are looking at the long-range effects of his policies. Apple, Google, Meta and Amazon declined to comment.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

The hostilities between the tech industry and Mr. Trump date back to at least 2016, when multiple tech executives endorsed Hillary Clinton for president and donated to her campaign. After Mr. Trump was elected, tech leaders criticized the president’s immigration ban for Muslims and his skepticism about Covid-19 vaccines.

Mr. Trump’s first administration took a tough regulatory stance on the industry, filing antitrust lawsuits against Google and Meta. He railed against social media and other internet giants for censoring him and amassing too much power. He also blamed the platforms for contributing to his election loss in 2020.

The tech industry’s public tone toward Mr. Trump abruptly shifted last year after he was wounded in an assassination attempt.

In the aftermath, Mr. Zuckerberg called him a “badass.” Jeff Bezos, the founder of Amazon, commended Mr. Trump for “grace under fire.” Elon Musk, who leads the rocket company SpaceX, the electric carmaker Tesla and the social media platform X, endorsed Mr. Trump and went on to stump for and donate $300 million to his campaign.

After the election, Apple’s chief executive, Tim Cook, alongside Meta, Google and Amazon, donated $1 million each to the inauguration. Several of the executives made trips to Mar-a-Lago, Mr. Trump’s resort in Palm Beach, Fla. And at the inauguration, Mr. Musk, Mr. Bezos, Mr. Zuckerberg, Mr. Cook and Mr. Pichai all appeared on the dais next to cabinet members.

“If you look at the inauguration, look at the people that were on that stage — here was a who’s who of a world that was totally against me the first time,” Mr. Trump said recently in an interview with Clay Travis of OutKick, a sports and news site owned by Fox.

There have been some benefits. Mr. Musk is now a close adviser to the president, and critics say his businesses are likely to reap rewards from his proximity. Mr. Trump has also signed executive orders delaying a sale or ban of TikTok, as mandated by a law passed last year over security concerns about the app’s Chinese parent company, ByteDance.

Despite slashing its federal funding, Mr. Trump has opened the door to a continued light regulatory touch on A.I., which he has declared his top priority to beat China in a race for global tech leadership. Last month, Google, Microsoft, Meta and other tech giants submitted suggestions, asking for the administration to stay out of the way.

And U.S. regulators have almost entirely dismantled a yearslong government crackdown on the crypto industry, a volatile sector rife with fraud, scams and theft. That benefits companies including the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, a major investor in the space.

But tech companies still face intensifying pressures under the current Trump administration.

The new leaders appointed to the Justice Department and the F.T.C. have shown no signs of backing down on a series of antitrust suits filed against Google, Meta, Amazon and Apple.

Mr. Trump chose Gail Slater, a veteran lawyer and a vocal tech critic, to lead the antitrust division at the Justice Department. Mr. Trump emphasized the importance of her role to quell powerful Silicon Valley giants during his announcement.

“Big Tech has run wild for years, stifling competition in our most innovative sector and, as we all know, using its market power to crack down on the rights of so many Americans, as well as those of Little Tech!” Mr. Trump said in a post on Truth Social, his social media platform.

The president also appointed Andrew Ferguson, who has expressed concerns about social media companies’ power, as chair of the F.T.C. Next week, Mr. Ferguson will lead the antitrust trial against Meta, in which the government accuses Facebook of buying Instagram and WhatsApp nearly a decade ago to cement its monopoly in social networking.

It’s unclear if efforts by Mr. Zuckerberg to secure a settlement will be successful. But ultimately, any decision on whether or not to proceed will be made by the president, Mr. Ferguson said last week at a conference held by the tech start-up incubator Y Combinator in Washington.

“The president’s head of the executive branch, and I think it’s important for me to obey lawful orders,” he said when asked if he would drop a suit like the Meta case if instructed by Mr. Trump.

“I think that the president recognizes that we’ve got to enforce the laws, so I’d be very surprised if anything like that ever happened,” he added.

Perhaps the biggest blow to the tech industry came in the form of tariffs last week. Apple, one of the hardest-hit companies, produces 90 percent of the iPhones it sells around the world in China, where tariffs, which were already at 20 percent, are expected to increase to 34 percent this week.

“These tariffs will raise consumer prices and will force our trade partners to retaliate,” said Gary Shapiro, the chief executive of the Consumer Technology Association, a trade group. “Americans will become poorer because of these tariffs.”



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British Government Takes Control of Country’s Last Major Steel Mill

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The British government moved swiftly on Saturday to take control of operations at the country’s last large crude steel producing facility, in what appeared to be a major step toward nationalizing the plant.

In an unusual and dramatic move, the government had summoned lawmakers back from vacation on Saturday to approve the government’s emergency legislation.

The government said it was acting to prevent the owners of the British Steel complex in Scunthorpe, a Chinese company called Jingye, from taking steps unilaterally to close the blast furnaces, potentially costing 2,700 jobs.

“Steel is fundamental to Britain’s industrial strength, to our security and to our identity as a primary global power,” Jonathan Reynolds, the business and trade secretary, told Parliament on Saturday in introducing the legislation.

Despite the interest in preserving steel making now, it has long been in decline in Britain. Crude steel output has fallen by about 50 percent over the last decade, according to UK Steel, a trade group.

The industry in Britain struggles with high energy costs as well as competition, mainly from China, which now makes more than half of all global steel.

The 25 percent tariffs that President Trump recently imposed on steel imported into the United States have added a further hurdle.

In this difficult environment, the government of Prime Minister Keir Starmer now risks being stuck with supporting a business whose owners say is losing 700,000 pounds a day or around $915,000.

The government insists that it is not nationalizing British Steel, but it is asserting control over the board and management and, it seems, taking responsibility for the running costs.

In a sign of the increasingly bitter tone of the dispute, the government said Friday that employees who are fired for “defying the orders of the Chinese owners” would be able to be reinstated.

The government says it wants to find a partner to invest in a greener steel-making process, but critics say these moves are tantamount to nationalization.

“This is a botched nationalization plan,” warned Andrew Griffith, the business spokesman for the opposition Conservative Party.

A variety of motivations appear to be behind Mr. Starmer’s approach.

He was wary of letting a large plant close at the cost of thousands of jobs of his trade union supporters.

Last year Tata Steel, the large India-based company, closed much of what was Britain’s other large steel mill at Port Talbot in Wales, leading to heavy job losses.

“We’ve had big concerns about that and a lot of anger,” said Alasdair McDiarmid, assistant general secretary of the Community Union, which represents many steel workers.

In a world of growing economic nationalism, Mr. Starmer seems to have accepted the argument that it is important for a country to retain some domestic ability to make what is known as virgin steel.

The British Steel plant in Scunthorpe, in northeast England, has Britain’s last two operating blast furnaces, huge chambers that produce molten metal using iron ore and coke, a derivative of coal. Other mills then finish the crude steel into products like rails for train lines and beams for the construction industry.

Pressure to keep Scunthorpe open appears to have increased in the wake of the Trump administration’s signals that it was less committed to European security than previous U.S. administrations. President Trump’s tariffs were apparently also part of that calculation.

“Given global economic instability, it is crucial that manufacturing is protected at home,” the government said on Friday.

Mr. Reynolds said he made what he called “a generous” offer of aid to Jingye, which proposed to shift production at Scunthorpe to electric furnaces that would make steel by melting scrap metal.

Blast furnaces like those at Scunthorpe make high quality steel but also spew emissions, and many European steel firms are considering converting to other technologies.

Mr. Reynolds told lawmakers that Jingye wanted what he called an “excessive amount” of government support. The costs of converting to electric furnaces were estimated at £2 billion or more.

He also said that in recent days Jingye appeared to be trying to starve the blast furnaces of raw materials like coke to force a shut down. “The company would, therefore, have irrevocably and unilaterally closed down primary steel making,” he said.

A spokesman for British Steel declined to comment. The company said in a news release last month that it had invested £1.2 billion in British Steel since taking it over in 2020. “Despite this, the blast furnaces and steel making operations are no longer financially sustainable,” it said.



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US markets have spiraled. Americans had doubts about Trump’s tariffs before that.

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Recent polls showed Americans were wary of tariffs, even before the president launched his plan to realign the global trade order.



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Carlos Alcaraz’s ‘My Way’ documentary trailer and a tennis tweener trick shot from heaven

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If a player hits a running trick shot to save a break point, but later gets broken off three unforced errors and a double fault, is it good tennis? For Carlos Alcaraz, definitely.

He delivered a signal example of the tension running through his documentary series, ‘My Way,’ just as Netflix released its trailer. While Alcaraz was oscillating between the sublime and the absurd on court against Daniel Altmaier at the Monte Carlo Masters in Monaco, the streaming company put out a snapshot of the series on YouTube.

It asks some fundamental questions of tennis: how much should it require of its stars? How much sacrifice should greatness take? And is there a route to greatness that does not demand everything of the player who seeks it?

Against Altmaier, Alcaraz found himself down 30-40 in his first service game of their match. The German feathered a drop shot just over the net, dragging Alcaraz forward…

He responded with a sharp, cross-court angle…

… but Altmaier read the shot and moved across the court, to send the ball deep down the line on the other side.

Alcaraz, running diagonally to his left, would have to hit a shot through his legs. The easier option was to send the ball back cross-court. Altmaier duly moved to cover that shot; Alcaraz, perhaps obviously, did not hit it.

Instead, he levered the ball down the line, sending Altmaier scrambling to his backhand corner. The German managed to hook the ball back into play, but Alcaraz was waiting to crush a backhand flat into the same corner, which Altmaier could only send into the net.

It was an example of the divine inspiration and at times otherworldly skill — and joy — that Alcaraz brings to the court, and which has carried him to the upper echelons of tennis.

“It’s beautiful to play points like that,” Alcaraz said later, watching the shot back. “I’m trying to put on a show, trying to entertain the people. A point like that… Just to reflect, how my matches are going to be.”

The rest of the match was not so much like that.

Having saved that break point, Alcaraz missed a routine first groundstroke behind his serve. He saved four more break points in the game and held his serve for 1-1. He then broke Altmaier to lead 3-2, before hitting three unforced errors and a double fault to get broken straight back in the next game.

That was the pattern of the first set, oscillating between brilliant points and routine mistakes, before Alcaraz broke again at 5-3 to take it, 6-3.

The second set was more routine, with the Spaniard ultimately triumphing 6-3, 6-1 to set up a quarterfinal against No. 12 seed Arthur Fils.


“I want to do it my way,” Alcaraz says, in the series trailer, of his goal to be the best player in the world. That ambition is intercut with opinions from Rafael Nadal and Roger Federer, who both did it their way.

“To accomplish what Novak (Djokovic), Roger or myself have done,” Nadal says, “you need to feel that the sacrifices are worth it and that they pay off.”

With 66 Grand Slam titles between the three greatest men’s players of all time, there is little argument that they paid off in achievement. What Alcaraz appears to ask is whether or not they pay off in other ways.

Alcaraz, 21, already has four Grand Slam titles. He is the youngest man to win a major on all three surfaces, and still has two more opportunities — at the 2026 and 2027 Australian Opens — to become the youngest man to win all four majors.

If he wins the title in Monaco, he will reassume the No. 2 spot in the men’s rankings, behind only his closest rival and the player with whom he shares the mantle of the best in the world: Jannik Sinner.

His style of play is so singular that both his wins and his losses can appear as if from another world.

When he loses, whether a set or a whole match, he tends to lose badly. The creativity looks like naivety and the shotmaking looks like waste — and it tends to happen against lesser-ranked players. He has 16 defeats and one retirement due to injury since the start of 2024, but only six of those defeats came against top-10 players. Two of those six came in one tournament, the 2024 ATP Tour Finals, during which he was struggling with illness. The average ranking of his opponents in the other 10 losses is 32.

He is making adjustments, mentally and technically, most notably to his serve and his backhand. He has changed the motion on the former and the racket take-back on the latter, which means mistakes sometimes flow like water but also reveals a dedication to on-the-fly improvement, one of the hardest things to do given tennis’ demanding schedule.

Alcaraz describes the challenges of that schedule in the trailer, emphasizing that he wants to be able to spend time at home, to see his family. If he also wants to dominate the sport as Djokovic, Nadal and Federer did, that time will be limited.

As the retired Nadal and Federer hint at in their roles as Netflix talking heads, it’s only possible to find out if all that was worth it in the end.

On the way, there will be tweeners.

There will be errors too.

(Top photo: Valery Hache / AFP via Getty Images)



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Harvard Professors Sue Trump Administration Over Threat to Federal Funds


Two groups representing Harvard professors sued the Trump administration on Friday, saying that its threat to cut billions in federal funding for the university violates free speech and other First Amendment rights.

The lawsuit by the American Association of University Professors and the Harvard faculty chapter of the group follows the Trump administration’s announcement earlier this month that it was reviewing about $9 billion in federal funding that Harvard receives. The administration also sent the school a list of demands that it must meet if it wants to keep the funds.

The suit, filed in the Federal District Court in Massachusetts, seeks a temporary restraining order to block the Trump administration from cutting the funds.

“This action challenges the Trump administration’s unlawful and unprecedented misuse of federal funding and civil rights enforcement authority to undermine academic freedom and free speech on a university campus,” the lawsuit said.

The White House did not respond immediately to a request for comment.

The Trump administration has been on a campaign against elite universities that it views as being too lax on antisemitism. In a recent letter to Harvard, the administration said the school had “fundamentally failed to protect American students and faculty from antisemitic violence.” Other top schools like Columbia and Cornell have also been targeted.

Harvard did not respond to a request for comment on Saturday. In recent weeks, Alan Garber, the university president, has said that Harvard had spent “considerable effort” during the past 15 months addressing antisemitism, adding that there was still more work to be done.

In a statement, Andrew Manuel Crespo, a law professor at Harvard and general counsel of the AAUP-Harvard Faculty Chapter, said the administration’s policies are a pretext to chill universities and their faculties from engaging in speech, teaching and research that don’t align with President Trump’s views.

“Harvard faculty have the constitutional right to speak, teach and conduct research without fearing that the government will retaliate against their viewpoints by canceling grants,” Mr. Crespo said.

On Saturday afternoon, hundreds of protesters, including students, professors and even the mayor of Cambridge, braved the cold to protest against the Trump administration’s threat to cut Harvard’s funding. At a packed park in Cambridge, Mass., home to Harvard’s campus, they called on the university to lead the charge against the government’s crackdown on higher education.

“Harvard possesses not just the resources to withstand the pressure,” said Mayor Denise Simmons of Cambridge, “but the moral obligation to do so.”

Miles J. Herszenhorn contributed reporting from Cambridge, Mass.



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