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Why Patients Are Being Forced to Switch to a 2nd-Choice Obesity Drug

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Tens of thousands of Americans will soon be forced by their heath insurance to switch from one popular obesity drug to another that produces less weight loss.

It is the latest example of the consequences of secret deals between drugmakers and middlemen, known as pharmacy benefit managers, that are hired by employers to oversee prescription coverage for Americans. Employers pay lower drug prices but their workers are blocked from getting competing treatments, a type of insurance denial that has grown much more common in the past decade.

One of the largest benefit managers, CVS Health’s Caremark, made the decision to exclude Zepbound in spite of research that found that it resulted in more weight loss than Wegovy, which will continue to be covered.

Those research findings, first announced in December, were confirmed in an article published on Sunday in The New England Journal of Medicine. The study involved a large clinical trial comparing the drugs that was funded by Eli Lilly, the maker of Zepbound. Earlier research not financed by Eli Lilly reached similar conclusions.

Ellen Davis, 63, of Huntington, Mass., is one of the patients affected by Caremark’s decision. “It feels like the rug is getting pulled out from under my feet,” she said.

After taking Zepbound for a year, she has lost 85 pounds and her health has improved, she said. She retired after working for 34 years at Verizon, which hired Caremark for her drug coverage.

In a letter to Verizon, she complained, “This is forcing patients to switch medications against their will, and without medical justification, to a less effective medication.”

Verizon did not respond to requests for comment.

Word spread quickly online about the change after Caremark announced it this month. A physician assistant at a weight-loss clinic in New Hampshire set up a change.org petition urging the company to reverse course. It had more than 2,700 signatures as of Sunday afternoon. Caremark intends to stop coverage for Zepbound in July.

Doctors say that Wegovy, made by Novo Nordisk, and Zepbound are both good drugs, but that they prefer Zepbound for most patients. Now they will have far less ability to tailor obesity drug prescriptions to individuals.

It is not clear whether excluding Zepbound will lead to higher profits for Caremark.

Executives at Novo Nordisk said they did not seek to block Zepbound. They have distanced themselves from Caremark’s move, saying that patients and doctors should be able to choose which drug to use.

David Whitrap, a spokesman for Caremark, said the company made the decision in an effort to lower drug prices. He said the deal would reduce the price that Caremark’s employer clients paid for obesity drugs by 10 to 15 percent compared with the previous year.

“CVS Caremark was able to do what P.B.M.s do best: compete clinically similar products against one another, and choose the option that delivers the lowest net cost for our clients,” Mr. Whitrap said.

Asked about the research showing an advantage for Zepbound, Mr. Whitrap said that both drugs are highly effective and that clinical trial results often differ from the results seen in the real world.

The exact prices employers pay for the drugs are secret. A typical monthly price for large employers is between $550 and $650, according to the Health Transformation Alliance, a group of large employers.

Without using insurance, patients can get the drugs for $500 a month in most cases. They recently lost a cheaper option when regulators halted sales of copycat versions that sometimes cost under $200 a month.

Many employers won’t pay for either Zepbound or Wegovy because they’re so expensive. Medicare does not cover the drugs for most patients with obesity, and the Trump administration recently rejected a Biden plan for expanded coverage.

Caremark and two other benefit managers together control 80 percent of the prescription market. The others, Cigna’s Express Scripts and UnitedHealth’s Optum Rx, have not taken similar actions to block either of the weight-loss drugs.

Starting in 2012, the large benefit managers have increasingly used these moves for a range of medications, upsetting patients and disrupting treatments. Drugs are suddenly dropped from the benefit managers’ periodically updated lists of covered medicines, known as a formulary.

In an analysis funded by drugmakers, researchers found that the number of medications excluded from at least one P.B.M. list increased to 548 in 2022 from 50 in 2014. The researchers counted only cases in which patients were forced to use a wholly different drug, not just moved to a generic version or other replica.

The restrictions frequently change, and patients aren’t told why. One P.B.M. will cover one drug but not another, while a competing benefit manager will do the opposite.

Most of the time exclusions don’t harm patients, according to experts. In some cases, they can even be beneficial, if patients are forced to switch to a drug that ends up working better for them.

But some exclusions spark uproars among patients and doctors.

In 2022, Caremark forced patients to switch from one widely used blood thinner, Eliquis, to Xarelto. There were a few anecdotal reports of blood clots in patients whose treatment was interrupted by the change. Doctors groups sharply criticized Caremark’s move. The company reinstated coverage of Eliquis six months later.

People with autoimmune conditions like arthritis are also frequently forced to change drugs. People with asthma must move to a different inhaler, and then switch to another one.

“It has just become increasingly intrusive,” said Dr. Robyn Cohen, an asthma specialist at Boston Medical Center.

Patients who have Caremark are already inundating employers with calls and emails, asking whether they will be affected, according to representatives of employers. They sign off on the benefit managers’ lists of medicines, but do not play an active role in creating them.

Caremark’s change applies only to some people with private insurance whose employer opted for the benefit manager’s most popular list of medicines. The move will not affect patients who take versions of the drugs for diabetes.

Patients will have the option of switching to Wegovy or one of three other weight-loss drugs that are not popular because they are not very effective.

Mr. Whitrap said Caremark would offer a “case-by-case medical exception process for individuals who may need an alternative,” such as patients who previously took Wegovy and did not lose much weight.

But many people will not qualify for an exemption. In interviews, patients said that they had specifically sought out Zepbound and didn’t want to switch.

“I chose Zepbound with my doctor,” said Carl Houde, 49, of Saugus, Mass. “For that to then be taken away, it’s distressing.”

Some patients said they were considering using their own money to stay on Zepbound. For Victoria Bello, 28, of Syracuse, N.Y., Zepbound has brought substantial health benefits and she is concerned about losing it.

“I didn’t expect it to change out of nowhere,” she said. “I’m worried about the future of my health and that my health progress will stall.”

The Eli Lilly-funded study directly compared the drugs in a clinical trial of 750 people over more than 16 months.

People on a high dose of Zepbound lost 50 pounds on average, compared with 33 pounds for people taking Wegovy. Both drugs, which patients take as injections, cause side effects like nausea, vomiting, diarrhea and constipation. In the study, the rates of those side effects were generally similar between the two drugs. In both groups, a small number of patients stopped taking the medicines because of side effects.

The two drugs work in a similar way but have an important difference. Wegovy mimics the effects of just one hormone involved in appetite. Zepbound does so with two. Scientists believe that imitating more hormones will lead to more weight loss.

Dr. Jason Brett, an executive at Novo Nordisk, said in an interview on Friday that the number of pounds patients lose is only one part of treating obesity. Both drugs have shown they can improve heart health, but only Novo Nordisk has won regulatory approval to market its drug that way.

Doctors argue that both drugs should remain available because some patients in fact do better on Wegovy than on Zepbound, losing more weight or experiencing fewer or milder side effects.

Doctors say that because of the variation in how patients respond to either Wegovy or Zepbound, having both available is optimal.

Caremark’s defenders say it was just doing its job in deciding to block Zepbound.

Benefit managers negotiate with drug manufacturers to get payments, known as rebates, that ultimately reduce prescription drug costs for employers. As part of these deals, manufacturers also pay fees to P.B.M.s. Those fees can add up to hundreds of million of dollars for the biggest blockbusters. Caremark stood to receive substantial fees for the weight-loss drugs even without excluding Zepbound.

Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly have a duopoly in the booming market for weight-loss drugs, but Novo Nordisk has been losing market share to Eli Lilly.

Caremark negotiated with both drugmakers about how much they would pay in rebates to keep their product available. Neither Novo Nordisk nor Eli Lilly would say how much it offered. Novo Nordisk said it did not ask or pay to block Zepbound, contending that the exclusion was entirely Caremark’s decision.

“We believe it’s in the best interest of patients and physicians that they can make the choice,” Novo Nordisk’s chief executive, Lars Fruergaard Jorgensen, told Wall Street analysts this month.

Elisabeth Degallier, 56, of Rochester, Minn., said Zepbound had been life-changing. She is angered by Caremark’s decision. “I felt that they weren’t looking at the science,” she said. “They were looking at the dollars.”

She added, “It makes me scared for the future. I’m on a couple other expensive medications that I really depend on. Are they just going to cut those too?”



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William H. Luers, Diplomat Who Backed Czech Dissident Leader, Dies at 95

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Mr. Luers doubled the museum’s endowment, modernized its financial systems, enlarged its staff to 1,800 full-time employees, secured the $1 billion Walter Annenberg collection of French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist paintings for the museum, and oversaw the construction of new galleries, wings, exhibitions and public programs. When he stepped down, the museum had a $116 million budget, and crowds that often exceeded 50,000 visitors on weekends.

In 1990, Mr. Luers arranged for Mr. Havel, who was conferring with President George W. Bush on a state visit to the White House, to make a side trip to New York to visit the museum. It was a touching reunion for Mr. Luers, who returned many times to the Czech Republic for meetings with old friends and Mr. Havel, who died in 2011.

After the Met, Mr. Luers was chairman and president of the United Nations Association of the U.S.A., which provides research and other services for the U.N. For many years, he also directed the Iran Project, a nongovernmental organization that supported United States negotiations with Iran.

Mr. Luers, who had homes in Manhattan and Washington Depot, wrote scores of articles for foreign policy journals and newspapers, including The Times. He lectured widely and taught at Princeton, George Washington, Columbia and Seton Hall Universities, and at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University. Last fall, he released a memoir, “Uncommon Company: Dissidents and Diplomats, Enemies and Artists.”

“My greatest satisfaction was the success of Vaclav Havel,” he said in the 2022 interview. “Havel proved my point that culture makes a difference, especially in international relations. The Communist system was deeply flawed. It underestimated cultural leaders’ influence on the people.”

Alex Traub contributed reporting.



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PGA Tour LIVE! Latest scores, updates, highlights as Shane Lowry, Sepp Straka, Justin Thomas, Rory McIlroy chase Truist Championship win | Golf News

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Shane Lowry and Sepp Straka started the final round tied for the lead; Rory McIlroy is defending champion and looking to win the event for a fifth time; Truist Championship held at Philadelphia Cricket Club this year due to the Quail Hollow Club hosting next week’s PGA Championship



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Trent returns to boos as 10-player Arsenal make second half comeback

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FREE TO WATCH: Highlights from Liverpool’s draw against Arsenal in the Premier League.



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Barcelona vs Real Madrid – Live match updates

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vs Real Madrid. Spanish La Liga.

Estadio Olimpico de Montjuic.



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130,000 Igloo Coolers Recalled After Fingertip Amputations From Handle

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About 130,000 Igloo coolers were recalled on Thursday after consumers reported 78 fingertip injuries from the cooler’s tow handle, 26 of which led to fingertip amputations, bone fractures or cuts, according to the U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission.

This warning expands an initial recall issued in February of more than one million 90-quart Igloo Flip & Tow Rolling Coolers because the tow handle was crushing and seriously injuring people’s fingertips.

“The tow handle can pinch consumers’ fingertips against the cooler, posing fingertip amputation and crushing hazard,” the recall said.

In the February recall, the safety commission said that Igloo had received 12 reports of fingertip injuries from the coolers. Since then there have been an additional 78 reports, according to the commission.

The recalled coolers, all of which have the word “IGLOO” on the side of them, were manufactured before January 2024 and come in different colors. The manufacture date can be found on the bottom of the cooler.

The commission said the latest recall also affected about 20,000 coolers in Canada and 5,900 in Mexico, which is in addition to the tens of thousands recalled from each country in February.

Igloo said that owners who bought the coolers between January 2019 and January 2025 should stop using them and contact the company for a free replacement handle.

The company said in a statement that it stood behind the quality of its products and that consumer “safety and satisfaction” were its top priorities.

The coolers were sold at Academy, Costco, Dick’s, Target and other retailers and online stores and were usually priced between $80 and $140.



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See Historical Records Documenting the Pope’s Creole Roots in New Orleans

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The Vatican conclave surprised the world this week by selecting the first American pope, a native of Chicago. Soon after, a respected genealogist surprised the world by revealing that the new pope’s heritage connected him to far more strands of the American experience than previously known.

Robert Francis Prevost, 69, who took the name Pope Leo XIV, descended from Creole people of color from New Orleans.

The detective work of Jari Honora, the New Orleans genealogist and historian, was based on analysis of historical documents, including census records, many of which are presented here. Other documents were unearthed by the archdiocese of New Orleans or obtained independently by The New York Times.

In their totality, the documents begin to trace the story of a family, on Pope Leo’s mother’s side, with a diverse background rooted in New Orleans’s unique Afro-Caribbean culture that later moved to Chicago in the early 20th century.

It is unclear why they left, but many Creole families like theirs moved north at the time in search of better-paying jobs and a less racially hostile environment — a story that finds parallels in the new pope’s emphasis on tending to migrants and poor people.

The documents also suggest a story not uncommon among some American people of color who underwent such journeys: a switch in racial categorization from Black to white. One of the pope’s brothers, John Prevost, 71, who lives in the suburbs of Chicago, confirmed the family’s ancestry but told The New York Times that he and his brothers always considered themselves to be white.

As for his mother, he said, “I really couldn’t tell you for sure. She might have just said Spanish.”

Perhaps the earliest known record of the pope’s maternal grandfather, Joseph Martinez, is a listing in the 1870 census, taken when he was 6. Martinez’s father is listed as Jacques Martinez, 48, a tailor, while his mother, Marie, 43, “keeps house.” The birthplace of everyone in his family is indicated as Louisiana.

Joseph Martinez married Louise Baquié, the pope’s maternal grandmother, on Sept. 17, 1887. Martinez is listed on the marriage certificate as a native of Haiti. Baquié is the daughter of Ferdinand Baquié and Eugenie Grambois.

Both of Louise’s families had long New Orleans roots. The archdiocese of New Orleans unearthed records documenting the marriage of her parents in 1864, and the baptism of her mother — one of the pope’s great-grandmothers — in 1840 at St. Louis Cathedral. The baptismal font where she received her first sacrament remains there today.

Joseph and Louise Martinez are both recorded as New Orleans residents on the 1900 census. They had two daughters at the time, Irma and Margaret, and an aunt appeared to be living at their address. All are listed as “B” for Black.

The occupation of Joseph, who appears on Line 6, is noted as “cigar maker,” and his place of birth as “Hayti,” lining up with the origin on his marriage certificate.

The document below from 1908, known as a settlement (or probate in other jurisdictions), divides the possessions of Joseph’s parents between their heirs. Those assets included a home worth about $800 at the time. Mr. Honora, the genealogist, noted that there are “Beaucoup New Orleans family names” among the various heirs, documenting the links between the pope’s grandfather and many other New Orleans families.

The 1910 census misspells the Martinez family’s surname on Line 35 as “Martina,” and lists their race as “W,” for white. Joseph’s birthplace is listed as “S. Domingo,” capital of the Dominican Republic (and possibly, faintly above, “West Indies”?). The record appears to indicate Joseph’s father was Maltese and his mother was Spanish.

There are now three different places of origin listed for the pope’s maternal grandfather on various historical documents: Louisiana, Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Mr. Honora said it wasn’t uncommon at the time for people to change their responses to record takers — part of the challenge of such research.

The family appears to have moved to Chicago after the 1910 census, though the exact date of their migration north is uncertain. This is a digital record from Cook County of the birth certificate of Mildred Martinez, the pope’s mother, who was born in Chicago and later known as Millie Prevost after she married. Her race is listed as white. (Other documents, also from Cook County, indicate her birth year as 1912.)

The birthplace of her father is listed as Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic, while her mother, listed here as “Louise Baquiex,” is identified as a New Orleans native. The races of her parents are not indicated.

The 1920 census shows the Martinez family, including Mildred, Joseph and Louise’s youngest daughter, in Chicago. The records starting on Line 31 again indicate their race as white.



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As Trump and RFK Jr. Reach Into Parents’ Lives, Can Democrats Capitalize?

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The prices of strollers and car seats are skyrocketing as companies race to adjust to President Trump’s tariff policies. Federal support for a major campaign to promote safe infant sleep habits appears to have been cut. Measles outbreaks are terrifying parents of young children, even as the nation’s health secretary undermines vaccines.

The Trump administration’s policies are reaching ever deeper into the lives of American families, transforming routine and apolitical parts of some parents’ days — trips to the pediatrician, conversations at swim classes, chatter on online baby gear forums — into scenes of anxiety and anger.

For a Democratic Party still searching for its strongest message amid the upheavals of the second Trump term, the politics of parenting offer a telling test case: Can Democrats persuade voters that this White House is making their lives harder?

“I’ve never heard this level of fear,” said former Representative Colin Allred, a Texas Democrat mulling a second Senate bid in his state, which has a significant measles outbreak. He said his nonpolitical friends — people who “just want to send their kids to school and watch the Cowboys play” — were “calling me and asking, like, ‘What the hell is going on?”

There are no greater motivators in politics than anger and fear. But in recent years, Republicans have been far more successful than Democrats at tapping into parents’ raw emotions.

In 2021, they rode waves of concern about pandemic-era education to victory in the Virginia governor’s race. Last year, Democrats were caught off guard as Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the leader of the “Make America Healthy Again” movement and now the health secretary, helped Mr. Trump win over parents worried about food additives and swayed by false information on vaccines.

And while Joseph R. Biden Jr. won parents with children under the age of 18 in 2020, Mr. Trump captured that demographic in November, exit polls showed. Many Republicans have declared that they are the “party of parents.”

So far, the Democratic response has been scattershot, and there is little evidence of an organized anti-MAHA movement.

But interviews with nearly 40 parents, politicians and pediatricians suggest that there is an opening for candidates who can channel parents’ fury and fears — if they can connect with those voters.

Trinity Chisholm, 23, a nursing student and a Democrat who was at the library last week with her 1-year-old in Chester, Va., outside Richmond, said that she was worried about measles outbreaks — and that the administration’s vaccine approach was “not based in science.”

“It just feels like it’s preying on parents’ insecurities and fears,” she said.

State Senator Nabilah Islam Parkes of Georgia, a Democrat who has a baby, said that in Facebook parent groups, “people are legitimately freaking out.”

When “you are shutting down safe-to-sleep campaigns, and you are undermining the trust in our vaccination programs, this is a cause for grave concern,” she said. “These are issues that will 100 percent motivate people.”

As the nation confronts one of the worst measles outbreaks in a generation, Representative Brittany Pettersen, a Colorado Democrat who gave birth in January, is making the same calculations as many other parents of infants: how to protect babies who are too young for a measles vaccine.

“I’m hopeful that parents will start mobilizing, and moms are going to start mobilizing, because it’s very scary,” she said. She suggested it was “unfathomable” that someone like Mr. Kennedy could be guiding public health policy.

As six of her seven children romped around a playground in Warrington, Pa., Katrina Britton, 39, who does not inoculate her kids, said that recommendation resonated.

“Vaccinations should definitely be a personal choice that every parent is educated about,” she said, praising Mr. Kennedy’s efforts to curtail food dyes and seed oils and to encourage parents to make their own determinations on vaccinations.

To many in the scientific and medical communities as well as his Democratic critics, Mr. Kennedy is sowing doubt about lifesaving preventative medicine.

“The culpability is on the president who nominated R.F.K. Jr., it’s on R.F.K. Jr. himself, and it is on every single senator who voted to confirm,” said Representative Kim Schrier, a Washington Democrat and a pediatrician, calling Mr. Kennedy “anti-science” and “anti-vaccine.”

Mr. Kennedy, who has promoted debunked claims about ties between vaccines and autism, has also stoked privacy concerns for some parents.

“That’s another terrifying piece,” said Ebony Turner, a lawyer and former Democratic candidate for local office whose son has Down syndrome. Speaking from her office in Mansfield, Texas, she added, “This is a slippery slope.”

Andrew Nixon, a spokesman for the Department of Health and Human Services, said in a statement that “Secretary Kennedy is not anti-vaccine — he is pro-safety, pro-transparency and pro-accountability.”

“Claims that Secretary Kennedy is spreading misinformation or undermining vaccine confidence are flat-out false,” he said. “Secretary Kennedy’s leadership is grounded in a relentless commitment to improving the health of our nation — especially for children.”

Mr. Kennedy has a devoted following. Wellness influencers and other “MAHA moms” promote him in a social media ecosystem that Democrats and MAHA critics are struggling to match.

“Democrats are absolutely awful at communication,” said Jessica Knurick, a dietitian with a Ph.D. in nutrition science who said she used her substantial online presence to try to “break through with accurate information, no matter what side it’s coming from politically.”

She added, “In the science and medical space, we have a messaging problem.”

In interviews around the country, numerous voters said they had not closely followed Mr. Kennedy’s comments. Others saw no contradiction in both supporting Mr. Trump’s administration and embracing vaccines — a perspective many doctors welcome as they stress that public health issues should not be political.

But voters’ ability to hold both views suggests that concerns about the Trump administration’s stewardship of public health are not guaranteed to prompt electoral backlash.

“Something that Democrats need to be doing a better job at is how we can elevate issues and highlight individual stories and make it real for people,” Ms. Pettersen said.

Some Democrats argue that their efforts to sound alarm bells on public health are beginning to work, with congressional Republicans agonizing over their push to cut Medicaid spending.

Mallory McMorrow, a Democratic state senator in Michigan running for U.S. Senate, was at her 4-year-old’s swim class recently, talking with a fellow mom who had one child.

“I asked if she was considering having another one, and she said, ‘Not if things keep up like this,’” Ms. McMorrow said in an interview, referring to rising child-related costs. “There’s a lot of anxiety for parents.”

Mr. Trump’s allies hope that parents reach different conclusions. The White House has heard out ideas for persuading Americans to have more children; one proposal is a $5,000 “baby bonus.” Mr. Trump also signed an executive order reaffirming his commitment to lowering the costs of in vitro fertilization.

“President Trump has always prioritized the well-being of our nation’s families,” Kush Desai, a White House spokesman, said in a statement.

He pointed to efforts to review baby formula and said Mr. Trump’s economic agenda was aimed at “rebuilding communities that have been hollowed out by decades of ‘free’ trade deals so that working-class families can once again thrive.”

But Mr. Trump has acknowledged that his tariff policies may have consequences even for kids.

“Maybe the children will have two dolls instead of 30 dolls,” he said recently.

To Democrats, it was an outrageous statement, and an opening to cast the administration as out of touch.

“Parents are just supposed to sit here and take parenting advice from President Trump,” said Representative Hillary Scholten, a Michigan Democrat, incredulously. “When it comes to, you know, the tax code, parents are going to be telling him, ‘Tell your billionaire friends they can only have one yacht.’”

Senator Ruben Gallego, an Arizona Democrat who is expecting a third child in June, has called Mr. Trump’s tariffs a “baby tax” and declared that the administration is “anti-baby,” given the rising costs of strollers and car seats. He expressed confidence that voters would respond.

“They’re going to get it,” he said. “They’re going to understand that: ‘Last year, my cousin, you know, had a baby, and things weren’t as expensive. And now they are expensive.’”

In an interview, Mr. Gallego showed another way that the subject of children could be politically useful: to deflect questions about a presidential campaign.

Asked if anything about a 2028 bid might appeal to him, Mr. Gallego, who has been amping up his national profile, replied, “By that point, I’d have three little babies, and so focusing on being a good dad and a good senator is the only thing that’s appealing to me right now.”

Joel Wolfram contributed reporting from Warrington, Pa., Dina Weinstein from Chester, Va., and Krista M. Torralva from Mansfield, Texas.



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Starting Lineups – Rangers vs Aberdeen

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Starting Lineups – Rangers vs Aberdeen | 11.05.2025
















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Rangers

31

L
Kelly

2

J
Tavernier
(c)

5

J
Souttar

27

L
Balogun

22

J
da Silva Dias

8

C
Barron

43

N
Raskin

18

V
Cerny

10

M
Diomande

14

N
Bajrami

9

C
Dessers

1

J
Butland

11

T
Lawrence

24

N
Kasanwirjo

29

H
Igamane

49

B
Rice

52

F
Curtis

99

D
Pereira da Silva

4

R
Pröpper

7

Ó
Cortés

Aberdeen

1

D
Mitov

2

N
Devlin

24

K
Tobers

5

M
Knoester

4

G
Shinnie
(c)

8

D
Polvara

10

L
Clarkson

7

J
McGrath

81

T
Keskinen

16

J
Okkels

11

O
Dabbagh

31

R
Doohan

3

J
MacKenzie

9

K
Nisbet

18

A
Palaversa

20

S
Morris

22

J
Milne

28

A
Jensen

32

P
Ambrose

14

P
Guèye

Match Officials

Referee:
David Dickinson
Fourth official:
Chris Graham
VAR:
Greg Aitken
Assistant VAR:
Sean Carr



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A Shipping Change Might Help Small Businesses if Not for Trump’s Trade Wars

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Amid a steady stream of new trade policies in President Trump’s first three months in office, there is one that Andy Musliner, who owns a small toy business in Maryland, can get behind.

That’s the ending of a duty-free loophole for cheap goods from China.

Mr. Trump this month scrapped a provision that had allowed packages imported into the United States from mainland China or Hong Kong to avoid tariffs and other customs requirements if they were valued under $800. The loophole previously faced bipartisan scrutiny from lawmakers and pushback from the Biden administration, in part over concern that it was enabling fentanyl to flow into the United States unchecked.

It allowed the fast-fashion giants Shein and Temu, which rely on Chinese vendors, to gain significant market share in recent years by evading tariffs on low-value products shipped directly to consumers.

Mr. Musliner’s company, InRoad Toys, has been crushed by the rise of these Chinese e-commerce giants, he said. His business, in Crofton, Md., sells road tape for toy cars — which is, as it sounds, tape that looks like a road — all of which is manufactured in bulk in China and shipped in containers to the United States. His business was booming, with double-digit sales growth several years in a row. That came to an end in 2023, when Temu’s popularity in the United States exploded after the company’s high-profile Super Bowl commercial.

Mr. Musliner’s sales suddenly plummeted. American customers started to buy Temu’s knockoffs of a similar roll of road tape for $1.50, far cheaper than his $9 product. Within months, his revenue fell 30 percent.

“No amount of cost cutting is going to get me to that price point,” he said. “I manufacture in China, I import my goods, I sell them on Amazon for a price that takes into account all of those costs.”

Ending the loophole — known as de minimis — for goods from China could level the playing field for small consumer brands that say they are being undercut by Temu and Shein’s business model. Mr. Musliner said he was encouraged when the Biden administration proposed reforms to the provision last year and even more pleased when the Trump administration moved to end it altogether.

But small-business owners who may otherwise have reason to celebrate now face a dilemma. Any potential benefits of scrapping the shipping workaround are being outweighed by Mr. Trump’s sky-high tariffs on Chinese goods, offering little immediate relief. Mr. Trump has imposed a tariff rate of at least 145 percent on imports from China and a base-line 10 percent tax on dozens of other trading partners.

“If we are privileged enough to start getting more business because of less competition, then we’ll have to manufacture more to meet that need,” Mr. Musliner said. “But guess what. That will cost more money, which we won’t have.”

Top Trump administration officials are set to meet with their Chinese counterparts in Switzerland this weekend, in what will be their first formal meeting about trade since Mr. Trump imposed tariffs at triple-digit levels last month. On Friday, Mr. Trump suggested he was open to dropping the tariffs to 80 percent, though even that level could be too high for many importers, particularly small businesses.

Jyoti Jaiswal, who lives in Syosset, N.Y., designs handmade crafts and clothing mostly made in India, which she sells through her family-run business, OMSutra. She said competition from companies that imported goods cheaply into the United States from China had been a challenge, forcing her to discontinue certain products. Shein and Temu, in the last few years, have chipped away at her sales of crafted sheets, scarves and jewelry, she said. Customers have opted for similar products, despite lower quality, offered at a fraction of her prices.

With the dominance of these fast-fashion retailers in mind, Ms. Jaiswal called the end of de minimis for China a “fair trade policy.”

But Mr. Trump’s suite of other tariffs is taking center stage for her, too. A 10 percent tariff on imports from India is already in effect, and the threat of a higher 26 percent tax on the country still looms, once Mr. Trump’s 90-day pause on reciprocal tariffs ends in July. Ms. Jaiswal has paused some business activity, including an upcoming introduction of a new collection of scarves and travel products.

“It’s very hard for us to plan things and say what would be the pricing for those products, whether we would be able to market them or not,” Ms. Jaiswal said.

On Thursday, Mr. Trump announced a framework for a trade agreement with Britain, but deals with India and other countries have yet to be negotiated or completed.

Shortly after Mr. Trump’s order closing the de minimis exemption for China took effect, Temu said it had stopped shipping products from China directly to customers in the United States. Instead, all of its U.S. orders will be shipped from local warehouses in America, signaling a fundamental shift in response to the new taxes on low-value Chinese imports.

Not all small businesses stand to gain from the end of the shipping loophole. And unlike major retailers such as Temu, many are unable to quickly rearrange their supply chains.

John Arensmeyer, the chief executive of the Small Business Majority, an advocacy group, framed changes to the provision as part of broader frustration among small businesses about the Trump administration’s tariffs. Some business owners, who have relied on the duty-free exemption to import small products that they sell in the United States, or components of products, have bemoaned the new taxes on low-value imports, he added.

For businesses that depend on de minimis, the challenge is amplified by Mr. Trump’s 145 percent tariffs on Chinese goods, which now apply to previously tax-free imports.

“Now, all of a sudden, losing that is an even bigger impact than if they had lost it last year,” Mr. Arensmeyer said.

Small e-commerce vendors who sell products on popular online marketplaces are bracing to bear the brunt of the fallout, in the United States and overseas. Cori Kyle, who lives near Vancouver, British Columbia, and whose Etsy jewelry business is her main source of income, said she was preparing to halt all sales to U.S. customers. The de minimis closure is likely to make her items too expensive for Americans to buy; since the original lockets come from China, they are now subject to high tariffs. The bulk of her sales may soon be cut off.

Still, for American mom-and-pop retailers that have seen their sales dented by Shein’s and Temu’s inroads into the U.S. market, the policy change has the potential to be a boost.

For Mike Gray, the hit from competition with Chinese e-commerce platforms started to appear about five years ago in the “decimation” of his electric bike business. Mr. Gray owns Sourland Cycles, a bike shop in Hopewell, N.J., and 20 percent of his sales used to come from e-bikes. But as Shein and Temu grew in popularity, customers started to gravitate toward e-bikes shipped cheaply into the United States through de minimis. His e-bike sales fell to roughly 5 percent of his overall sales.

“It took a big chunk,” Mr. Gray said. Many of the cheaper e-bikes experience brake malfunctions and lack parts, he said, but the low prices have lured customers to e-commerce sites nonetheless.

Mr. Gray said he hoped the Trump administration’s closing of de minimis for China lasted. He called the change a “silver lining” that could level the playing field, at least slightly.

But for now, Mr. Gray is squarely focused on figuring out how to price his bikes as manufacturers start to raise their prices by different amounts, citing tariff-driven cost increases. Ibis, a bike manufacturer, added a 5 percent tariff fee, or more than $120, to one of its mountain bikes last week, Mr. Gray said.

“It’s hard to put that in perspective and think about it,” he said of the effect of the de minimis change, “when you’ve got all this uncertainty around prices.”



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