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Tariff News Is Scant Relief for Restaurants

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Every waiter knows the type: the volatile diner who barges in with a list of demands, orders an off-the-menu item that sends the kitchen into a panic and then at the last minute changes his mind and decides he’ll just have the steak.

So if anybody knows how to handle President Trump’s stunning reversal on tariffs, it’s people in the restaurant business. Still, it’s safe to say that they’ve had a rough week.

Chefs who had been furiously calling their suppliers, stockpiling imported ingredients ahead of what seemed certain to be drastic price jumps, got a temporary reprieve on Wednesday. Hours after they’d gone into effect, Mr. Trump put on hold a patchwork of tariffs that targeted 57 countries with rates ranging from 11 to 51 percent. For three months, he declared, all imports would be hit with a flat 10 percent tariff except products from China, which face tariffs that have vaulted to 145 percent. Nobody knows what will happen after the three months are up.

If you are a restaurateur, none of this makes it easier to sleep at night, or to decide how much to charge for dan-dan noodles.

The National Restaurant Association has brought in supply-chain experts to advise restaurateurs on handling disruptions in the flow of imported seafood and vegetables. Owners who drew up their business plans in the era of free trade are asking whether they still make sense when governments around the world are using shrimp and wine as chips in a high-stakes poker game.

“Restaurants are the least profitable businesses on any Main Street in America,” said Sean Kennedy, the group’s executive vice president for public affairs. “With razor-thin profit margins, we are not equipped to deal with dramatic changes in food prices. Long-term tariffs leave us with no margin for error in holding menu prices as low as possible.”

On Tuesday, Jarrett Wrisley, a chef who serves dishes from southwestern China and northern Thailand at his restaurant Shan in Bozeman, Mont., ordered two pallets of dark soy sauce, Zhenjiang vinegar, Sichuan peppercorns, roasted sesame paste and other ingredients from China. At the time, he thought those products were facing a mere 104 percent tariff. Now, his suppliers say they aren’t sure they will be available in a month or two.

The bison, pork and other meats on Shan’s menu are raised in Montana. But nearly all the seasonings in Mr. Wrisley’s pantry are imported from China and Thailand, which until Wednesday had been threatened with a 34 percent tariff. After his suppliers raise their prices, he expects he will have to change some recipes. He said he can adjust to using Kikkoman soy sauce from factories in Wisconsin and California. There is no American-made substitute for many other ingredients, like fermented fava-and-chile paste from Sichuan.

“It’s aged in amphorae, it undergoes a long fermentation, the chiles are from Sichuan,” he said. “It can’t be reproduced in the United States. And I don’t think the point of this trade war is to onshore the production of niche Asian food products.”

One of his purveyors, Susie Kasem of ARJ Oregon, an importer in Portland, has heard from almost every restaurant she supplies with sticky rice, fish sauce and other Thai staples. She had to put limits on their orders because so many chefs were trying to load up their shelves before the tariffs went into effect.

“I’m so busy because everyone’s calling me today, yesterday, the day before,” Ms. Kasem said. “I don’t have any idea how to answer them.”

For restaurants that buy tequila or anything else from Mexico, Wednesday’s abrupt turnaround — the White House said that the 10 percent flat rate did not apply to Mexico and Canada a short time after Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent told reporters that it did — was all too familiar. Mr. Trump imposed a 25 percent tariff on Mexican goods in February, then removed it two days later. He did the same thing again in March.

Trucks carrying avocado, huitlacoche and other key ingredients that the Colorado chef Johnny Curiel uses in his four Mexican restaurants parked on the far side of border for several days in March as the dispute played out. Worried about future shortages, Mr. Curiel recently bought five tons of the imported corn that goes into his tortillas. He is negotiating directly with farmers who grow chiles and herbs in Mexico, a move that would hurt his longtime distributors.

“It’s not helping them, it’s helping me,” he said. “And that weighs heavy on me.”

Next month, a farmer north of Boulder will plant 10 acres of heirloom Cónico corn for him and another Colorado chef. They had been discussing the idea for some time, but finally decided to do it after Mr. Trump threatened Mexico with new tariffs early this year. Although those are now delayed, Mr. Curiel said that changing his supply chain will help him make plans.

“It’s great that it’s not going into effect,” he said. “But at the same time, there’s the uncertainty of not knowing what’s going to happen.”

That uncertainty was a sore topic for those who attended an annual chefs’ conference in Philadelphia earlier this week. After listening to peers who were worried that their costs would spike on Wednesday, the Chicago chef Erick Williams tried to bring some perspective to the coming crisis.

“When people say, “We’re screwed,’ I have a hard time believing it,” Mr. Williams said in an interview later. “If we managed to survive and adapt during the pandemic, then surely we have the capacity to navigate this moment, too.”

As he pointed out, restaurants sell more than food and drinks. They specialize in creating environments where people want to spend time together, swapping ideas and sharing cultures.

In many restaurants, though, the culture people come to immerse themselves in is one from another country. Imported ingredients aren’t the only thing on offer, but they help get customers through the door. Any policy that makes those items less profitable threatens to undermine the whole enterprise.

At Orion Bar in Brooklyn, N.Y., soju and instant ramen from South Korean serve as gateway drugs for other national exports like K-pop, K-movies and televised K-dramas.

“As someone who works a lot in sharing and spreading Korean culture, interest in it has been increasing and the tariffs are concerning because it potentially could affect that growth,” said Irene Yoo, the chef and an owner, the day before a 25 percent levy was paused.

Many customers, she said, “want to come into our place to experience what they’ve seen in a K-drama.” Orion Bar sells a lot of soju and imported Terra Lager, so she was particularly worried about higher prices on alcohol.

Eric Sze, the chef and an owner of the Taiwanese restaurants Wenwen and 886 in New York, was relieved this week by the hiatus on the 22 percent tariff on ingredients like sacha sauce and soy paste. These Taiwanese condiments are essential to dishes like 886’s sacha black-pepper beef, which help him to tell his customers about the country where he and his business partner grew up. “Food acts as the most accessible cultural ambassador,” he said.

Roscioli NYC, the SoHo outpost of a popular string of restaurants in Rome, has been worried about the cost of Italian wine, cheese and pasta, as well as the bottled sauces and preserved vegetables it sells.

“It’s impossible to imagine operating a restaurant without these products,” said Mattia Moliterni, the managing partner. “We don’t want to give up on that.”

Restaurants now have to wait to learn how far the prices of imported food and beverages will rise under the new 10 percent tariffs. And they are being left in suspense as they wonder when, or whether, the more severe rates will come back. Tariffs of any size are a shock to American restaurant culture, which has grown larger and more interesting in part because free-trade policies of the past few decades have made it possible to get almost anything from almost any country on earth.

“That’s been wonderful for chefs and also for consumers,” said Mr. Wrisley, the chef in Montana. “To take that away in the interest of reindustrializing the United States doesn’t make any sense.”

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Justice Dept. Disbands Cryptocurrency Enforcement Unit

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The Trump administration is disbanding a unit in the Justice Department that was responsible for investigating cryptocurrency crimes, criticizing the Biden administration as too aggressive against the fast-growing industry.

In a memo issued late Monday, Todd Blanche, the deputy attorney general, denounced his predecessors for investigating cryptocurrency operators in a manner he called “ill conceived and poorly executed.” He instead instructed the department to narrow the focus of cryptocurrency investigations to crimes like fraud, drug trafficking and terrorism.

The directive is in keeping with President Trump’s broad embrace of the crypto industry during his campaign and in office as he moves to relax enforcement.

The Trump family has expanded its business interests in the industry, including by establishing a crypto venture, World Liberty Financial. Shortly before taking office, Mr. Trump issued his own memecoin. And Trump Media & Technology Group, the social media company he is the majority shareholder in, has said it plans to introduce a number of digital asset investment products this year.

The Justice Department directive follows similar moves at the Securities and Exchange Commission, which has dismissed lawsuits and pending investigations involving matters in which crypto firms had not registered as exchanges. A number of S.E.C. lawyers on those cases have left the regulatory agency.

The S.E.C. has also drastically cut staffing of a crypto enforcement unit. As a matter of policy, the S.E.C. has said it is not going to seek to regulate memecoins because the novelty digital assets are not securities.

The Justice Department, in its memo, accused the Biden administration of a “reckless strategy of regulation by prosecution” toward the world of digital currencies.

Going forward, Mr. Blanche wrote, prosecutors should pursue only cryptocurrency cases “that involve conduct victimizing investors,” scams, hacking and use of crypto to finance other crimes like fentanyl or human trafficking. Such prosecutions, the memo said, “are important to restoring stolen funds to customers, building investor confidence in the security of digital asset markets and the growth of the digital asset industry.”

He ordered a group of prosecutors who investigate market integrity and major frauds to stop pursuing cryptocurrency enforcement and focus instead on immigration matters and contractor fraud.

He also disbanded the national cryptocurrency enforcement team, a group within Justice Department headquarters that was created in recent years to handle such cases. Individual U.S. attorneys’ offices may still pursue cases involving cryptocurrency-related investigations, Mr. Blanche wrote.

The new approach seems intended to prevent cases like the one filed in 2023 against the Binance founder Changpeng Zhao for violations of the Bank Secrecy Act, which requires financial institutions to verify the identities of their customers and report suspicious activity that might be evidence of money laundering. The company agreed to pay a $4.3 billion fine as part of its guilty plea.

In the first days of the administration, Trump officials signaled their displeasure with such cases when they effectively demoted the prosecutor who had founded the cryptocurrency enforcement team, Eun Young Choi.

That team was created in 2022 to help prosecutors penetrate the often murky world of cryptocurrency, as transnational criminals began to use digital money more and more to facilitate crimes.

Matthew Goldstein contributed reporting from New York.



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Why You Should Sign Up for an I.R.S. Identity Protection PIN

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Here’s a terrible thing that happens: Thieves pretend they’re you, file a tax return in your name very early in the year, claim a fat refund and run away with the money.

When you try to file your own return, the Internal Revenue Service rejects it. After all, according to the agency’s system, your taxes have already been filed.

Months, and sometimes years, of hellish red tape ensues.

The I.R.S. has a tool called an identity protection PIN, or IP PIN, that can prevent this nightmare in most instances. You register and hand over some personal information so the government can verify you. Then you get a six-digit IP PIN to use when filing your taxes each year.

Easy enough, right? But my inbox is filled these days with deep wariness. For weeks now, the so-called Department of Government Efficiency has deployed individuals inside the I.R.S. to poke at its computer systems.

Readers worried about the possibility of those people breaking something and exposing data accidentally to wider numbers of people. Or that they would inadvertently create vulnerabilities that hackers could exploit. They also said they were worried that Elon Musk or others on his team could use the I.R.S. data for nefarious purposes.

I’ve gone ahead and gotten my IP PIN anyway. So has James E. Lee, president of the Identity Theft Resource Center, a former cybersecurity executive who is on an I.R.S. advisory panel.

In these highly uncertain times, we can’t be sure who will do what to whom next.

But we can know what has already happened to data that the federal government stores. In 2015, the White House revealed that hackers had stolen vast troves of sensitive information about 21.5 million people from the federal Office of Personnel Management. Last year, a former I.R.S. contractor was sentenced to five years in jail for leaking data on thousands of wealthy citizens, including President Trump, to The New York Times and ProPublica.

“Any place that stores your personal information, whether the U.S. government or the corner grocery store, is at risk — period,” Mr. Lee said.

So if DOGE represents added risk, why not add protection?

It’s not a rhetorical question to plenty of readers, so let’s start with an explainer on how the I.R.S.’s IP PIN system works.

To begin, you’ll need an online account with the agency if you don’t have one already and complete a brief identity verification process. During that process, you’ll hand over information that the federal government most likely already has — and thus, like any such data, is already there for the taking if thieves or bad internal actors want to put it to nefarious uses.

Once you’re registered, generating the IP PIN is quick and easy. You don’t need to save or remember it, either; you can log back in to get it when you need it. (This PIN is different from the five-digit PIN that some people use to file their taxes electronically, and you can have both types.)

Then you submit the IP PIN when filing your taxes. The IP PIN will change once per year. The I.R.S. has a thorough F.A.Q. about the IP PIN system on its website.

Now consider the downside of not protecting yourself. If thieves file a return in your name — and it has happened to hundreds of thousands of people — you won’t get any tax refund owed to you for a good long while. And to get that money, you’ll spend a lot of unquality time with the I.R.S. re-establishing yourself.

And then there’s this: My colleague Andrew Duehren recently reported that the I.R.S. is preparing to reduce its work force by as much as 50 percent. Good luck to anyone trying to fix an identity theft problem if that happens. It could easily take a couple of years.

I worry more about the risk of tax-refund fraud than I do about DOGE employees’ work inside the I.R.S. Most of my personal data is already out there somewhere on the dark web or hackable in various places anyway.

As the former I.R.S. taxpayer advocate Nina E. Olson, now the executive director of the nonprofit Center for Taxpayer Rights, told me via email this week, there are still laws about disclosure of taxpayer data. That’s why that I.R.S. contractor went to jail.

If DOGE employees or Mr. Musk himself breaks those laws, there will be consequences. And if there aren’t, we will be in a great deal more existential trouble as a country.

Ms. Olson said she was going to get her own IP PIN. I wondered if Danny Werfel, the last I.R.S. commissioner under President Joseph R. Biden Jr., had already done so.

He didn’t want to say when we talked this week. He has a longstanding practice of not getting too personal, lest he look like he’s endorsing a piece of tax-filing software, say.

“But I’m a very cautious taxpayer,” he said. “I’ll put it that way.”



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Why Europe Fears a Flood of Cheap Goods From China

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China has for years presented an economic challenge for Europe. Now, it could become an economic disaster.

It produces a vast array of artificially cheap goods — heavily subsidized electric vehicles, consumer electronics, toys, commercial grade steel and more — but much of that trade was destined for the endlessly voracious American marketplace.

Now, with many of those goods facing an extraordinary wall of tariffs thanks to President Trump, fear is rising that more products will be dumped in Europe, weakening local industries in France, Germany, Italy and the rest of the European Union.

Those nations now find themselves trapped in the middle of Mr. Trump’s spiraling trade war with China. Their leaders are straddling a fine line between capitulation and confrontation, hoping to avoid becoming collateral damage.

“The overcapacity challenge has taken a long time, but it has finally arrived in European capitals,” said Liana Fix, a Washington-based fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. “There is a general trend and a feeling in Europe that in these times, Europe has to stand up for itself and has to protect itself.”

Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, has promised to “engage constructively” with China even as she has warned about the “indirect effects” of the American tariffs and has vowed to closely watch the flow of Chinese goods. A new task force will monitor imports for signs of dumping.

“We cannot absorb global overcapacity nor will we accept dumping on our market,” Ms. von der Leyen said as Mr. Trump’s tariffs went into effect.

Her tough but measured message to both China and the United States has impressed trade experts who say it may be the best chance for Europe to avoid economic disaster. Janka Oertel, the director of the Asia program at the European Council on Foreign Relations, called it a “sober” response to the threat from Beijing.

“They continue to stand their ground on China, because otherwise they lose it,” she said.

But the high stakes moment is testing the continent’s unity.

Pedro Sánchez, the Spanish prime minister, last week traveled to Beijing to meet with President Xi Jinping, urging greater engagement with China as a hedge against U.S. tariffs. His outreach, captured visually in a handshake with the Chinese leader, came even as Ms. von der Leyen and the leadership of the European Commission, the bloc’s executive branch, continue to demand assurances from Beijing that the dumping would not accelerate.

Germany last year opposed higher electric vehicle tariffs imposed by the European Union, afraid that China would raise taxes on its own car industry. In Britain, no longer a member of the bloc, Prime Minister Keir Starmer has called for “consistent, durable, respectful” relations with China as he struggles to jump-start his country’s sluggish economy.

“The worst-case scenario is high U.S. tariffs” while at the same time “China is flooding the European market,” said Noah Barkin, a senior adviser for the Rhodium Group, a policy research organization. He said that would be “a double whammy for European industry. That is what Europe wants to avoid.”

Leaders who argue that closer ties with China may be part of the answer, like Mr. Sánchez in Spain and Mr. Starmer in Britain, have found it to be a politically winning message at a time when their countries are eager for more foreign investment.

Announcements of a new Chinese factory that will eventually create thousands of jobs are popular at home. But at times, that eagerness can threaten to undercut a consistent, European message on trade.

“Spain sees things very differently from Poland,” said Theresa Fallon, director at the Center for Russia, Europe, Asia Studies in Brussels. “There’s an ongoing debate in Europe about what their stance toward China should be.”

But trade experts say the economic relationship between Europe and China is rooted in a decades-old reality: a Chinese marketplace that is effectively closed to many European companies because of regulatory burdens and the Communist Party’s buttressing of Chinese companies. The European trade deficit with China was nearly $332 billion (€292 billion) in 2023.

The E.U. leadership describes China as a “a systemic rival,” and relations with the Asian nation have soured in recent years for a host of reasons, including China’s support of Russia as it wages war on Ukraine.

Recent conversations between top European commissioners and their Chinese counterparts have contained blunt warnings from the European side.

“Current E.U.-China trade relations remain unbalanced,” the European Commission said in a statement after Maros Sefcovic, the bloc’s trade commissioner, visited Beijing to discuss market access. The statement hinted at tensions during the visit, saying that China and Europe have a widening trade deficit “fueled by illegal subsidies.”

European officials have for years demanded concessions from China that include voluntary restraints on the shipment of cheap goods and minimum prices to offset large government subsidies that European businesses charge are unfair.

Meanwhile, Chinese officials have seemed eager in recent days to paint Europe as an increasingly close trading partner. China’s readout after Mr. Sefcovic’s visit to Beijing had little mention of hard talk. It said that Mr. Sefcovic had described China as “an important partner” and that the two economies would “jointly resist unilateralism and protectionism.”

And after Mr. Trump’s April 2 tariff announcement, China’s Commerce Ministry said it had agreed to restart negotiations with the bloc over Europe’s higher tariffs on Chinese-made electric vehicles.

When asked about that announcement, European officials struck a more muted tone. Olof Gill, an E.U. spokesman for trade, said officials had agreed to “continue discussions” on electric vehicle supply chains and take a “fresh look” at pricing.

China’s push has at times been more overt. The Mission of China to the European Union has run a series of sponsored articles on the website Euractiv, a prominent source in Brussels policy circles. The articles focus on how China and Europe might draw closer together. “With a hurricane blowing through Washington, China is looking more like a strategic partner for Europe,” one declared.

For now, the European Union has made little show of embracing that — instead pushing China to reach a deal with the United States, hoping to avoid the fallout if it fails to do so.

An E.U.-China summit is set to take place this year, potentially in the second half of July.

“I think basically Europe is just hoping to make it into summer with everything intact, more or less, and to not have the economy crashed,” Ms. Fix said. “To sort of land the plane until the summer, and then to prepare for what comes next.”



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Florida’s Hurricane-Battered Gulf Coast Beckons Spring Breakers: ‘We Are Open’

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In the beach towns west of Tampa, Fla., the message was clear for any spring breaker passing through. It appeared on chalkboard signs, waving inflatables and posters: We are open.

Spring break season is fraught in some parts of Florida, where the raucous behavior of certain visitors can outweigh their economic benefit. Miami Beach has been on a yearslong campaign to deter the college crowd, including with an ad this year for a fake reality show in which partyers break the rules and suffer consequences.

But for the businesses and the restaurants along the Gulf of Mexico that were ravaged by Hurricanes Helene and Milton last year, welcoming spring breakers — and anyone else, really — has been imperative. Some are still in temporary setups, or barely weeks into reopening, so every dollar is crucial. Many had anxiously anticipated the season, which began in early March and will wrap up in the next week or so, as a barometer for post-hurricane success.

There are other pressures on Florida’s retail and tourism industries: Inflation and the threat of punitive tariffs have rattled the American economy. But in the Tampa-St. Petersburg region, few can remember a hurricane season as disruptive as last year’s, when Hurricanes Helene and Milton delivered a one-two punch just 13 days apart.

Some businesses and hotels remain closed, and local governments have been swamped with post-storm requests for building permits; many have expedited the process by waiving fees or setting up temporary remote sites to process claims. More than 8,000 emergency rebuilding permits have been issued in St. Petersburg alone, for an estimated $150 million in construction value.

Hurricane Helene, in particular, “was a very humbling experience,” said Savannah Huski, 28, a manager at the Bronze Lady, a boutique along the John’s Pass Boardwalk in Madeira Beach that flooded. The store had to close for two months and between the damage, the wrecked merchandise and the closure, lost hundreds of thousands of dollars.

The ocean is both the greatest draw and the worst threat along the Gulf Coast. But hurricane season does not begin until June, making spring visits more appealing for many out-of-town visitors.

“Spring break is our season, more than summer,” said Charlotte Hunter, the co-owner of Wild Time Caribbean, a store along the boardwalk in Madeira Beach that sells beach apparel and a menagerie of stuffed manatees and turtles. The store had to cancel merchandise orders in the immediate aftermath of the hurricanes, when there was still sand and debris piled in the roads and along the streets.

“That’s why spring was so important for us — to recoup some of that,” said Ms. Hunter’s husband, John Hunter. The slow trickle at the start of the season gave them pause, and their door count was down by about 1,500 people for the second half of March. But it was unclear, the couple said, whether that was also influenced by inflation and a shaky economic outlook.

Signs of recovery were everywhere. The city of Treasure Island held a new festival, “Back to the Beach: Sand & Kites & Coastal Delights,” last month after canceling several events over the fall and the winter. Storm debris was largely cleared away so that visitors and locals alike could safely walk along the streets and shorelines.

Permits were approved so that businesses could legally operate outside of their damaged buildings, allowing them to reopen while they wrestled with bureaucratic paperwork.

Still, there had been a lot of anxiety about whether anyone would show up.

“There was a lot of question marks,” said Stephen Santasieri, the general manager at Caddy’s, a popular beach-front restaurant and bar in Treasure Island. Its building was flooded during Hurricane Helene, and snarled pipes and frayed wood were still exposed .

Mr. Santasieri estimated that it would take at least a year to rebuild. Caddy’s spent three weeks of spring break serving $8 Patron cocktails and $10 margaritas (with a free gift) from a makeshift outdoor setup.

Its kitchen is operating out of a food truck, without its usual fresh grouper and oysters. Rather than scribble their names on a strip of wood along the restaurant’s bar, a tradition at Caddy’s before the storm, customers have instead signed a banner hanging nearby.

“People have really appreciated it,” Mr. Santasieri said. “They’re just happy to see it back.”

In recent weeks, pink and purple bougainvillea bloomed near storm-battered sea grape bushes and palm trees. Beachgoers with rosy shoulders carried bags of snacks past construction workers repairing roofs.

Some visitors came only after calling their hotels or their favorite haunts for assurance that they were open. Others had forgotten that the storms had even passed through.

“I wasn’t even thinking about it,” said Lubomira Paskaleva, a teacher visiting from Kansas City, as she walked along the beach in Treasure Island, seashells in hand. “Why wouldn’t we want to go?”

The owners of the Airbnb she was staying in appeared to be raising the house with more pilings, she said, but it did not detract from how beautiful the beaches were.

For many, the emotional and financial pain of navigating the hurricanes’ aftermath remains acute. John Messmore, who owns Sweet Sage Cafe in North Redington Beach, said that after the floodwaters of Hurricane Helene reached more than three feet inside, “everything was upside down and floating in salt water.”

He spent the next few months wrestling with all the paperwork needed to get a building permit. Hundreds of thousands of dollars were spent just to replace four 80-foot trees behind the cafe, let alone the furniture and supplies inside.

“It would have been much easier to turn around and walk away,” said Mr. Messmore, 81, wearing a hat with “Relax” embroidered in gold thread across the front. But, he added, “I just had to make sure it was put back together right.”





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Appeals Court Scales Back Freeze on Firing Consumer Bureau Employees

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A federal appeals panel on Friday halted parts of a district court judge’s injunction blocking the Trump administration’s effort to dismantle the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, allowing officials to move ahead with firing some agency employees.

Russell T. Vought, the White House budget office director, was named the consumer bureau’s acting director in February and immediately began gutting the agency. He closed its headquarters and sought to terminate its lease, canceled contracts essential to the bureau’s operations, terminated hundreds of employees and sought to lay off nearly all of the rest.

In a lawsuit brought by the bureau’s staff union and other parties, Judge Amy Berman Jackson of the Federal District Court in Washington froze those actions last month with an injunction to stop what she described as the administration’s “hurried effort to dismantle and disable the agency entirely.” The Justice Department appealed her ruling.

A three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit unanimously rejected the government’s request to strike down Judge Jackson’s injunction, but it stayed parts of her ruling while the government’s appeal progresses. Specifically, the appeals court said the agency’s leaders can send a “reduction in force” notice — the process through which the government conducts layoffs — to employees they have determined are not necessary to carry out the agency’s “statutory duties.”

When Congress created the consumer bureau in 2011, it assigned the watchdog agency dozens of tasks and ordered it to staff certain positions, including offices to aid student loan borrowers, military service members and older Americans. Those mandated obligations have been at the heart of the legal fight over the agency, because the bureau is required to fulfill those duties unless Congress acts.

Mr. Vought’s team fired more than 200 probationary and fixed-term employees, only to reinstate most of them, with back pay, on Judge Jackson’s orders. The appeals court cleared the way for some to be fired again. Agency leaders may terminate employees after “an individualized assessment” of their necessity for carrying out the agency’s statutory tasks, the ruling said.

But the court left much of Judge Jackson’s order intact, including her mandates that agency leaders shall not delete or destroy most of the bureau’s records and data, and that employees must be given access to either physical office space or the tools needed to work remotely. The consumer bureau’s Washington headquarters has remained shuttered and off limits to workers since Mr. Vought’s arrival.

The appeals court expedited the government’s appeal and scheduled oral arguments for May 16.



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How Trump’s TikTok Negotiations Were Upended by China and Tariffs

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Last Wednesday, the Trump administration believed it had a plan to save TikTok.

ByteDance, TikTok’s Chinese owner, along with some of its U.S. investors, and officials in Washington had coalesced around a new ownership structure for the popular video app, four people familiar with the situation said. That structure, the people said, would help TikTok satisfy the terms of a federal law that required the app to find a new owner in order to address national security concerns, or face a ban in the United States.

Under the plan, new investors would own 50 percent of a new American TikTok entity, while Chinese owners would retain less than 20 percent, the limit specified by the law, two of the people said. ByteDance told the White House that Beijing was comfortable with the general structure, two of the people said.

By Thursday morning, a version of a draft executive order from President Trump that outlined the broad strokes of the deal was circulating, according to a copy that was viewed by The New York Times.

Then the plan hit a wall. ByteDance called the White House with the news: Now that Mr. Trump had announced a slew of tariffs on Chinese imports, the Chinese government would not let the TikTok deal proceed, two of the people said.

In response, Mr. Trump bought the app more time. On Friday, he paused enforcement of the federal law, extending the deadline for a TikTok deal into mid-June.

“The report is that we had a deal, pretty much, for TikTok, not a deal but pretty close, and then China changed the deal because of tariffs,” Mr. Trump told reporters Sunday aboard Air Force One.

The standstill highlights how the video app is mired in a geopolitical tussle between the United States and China over trade and tech supremacy. It also illuminates China’s power over TikTok’s future in the United States, raising questions about whether a deal for TikTok will ever get done.

“The parties are too proud to negotiate, and so we’re stuck between two colossal economies that are butting heads against each other,” said Anupam Chander, a professor of law and technology at Georgetown University who has publicly opposed the law targeting TikTok. “TikTok has kind of been the mouse that got caught underfoot between these two elephants.”

The Chinese Embassy in Washington, TikTok and ByteDance didn’t respond to requests for comment. The White House referred The Times to Mr. Trump’s post on Truth Social announcing his extension for the debate over the app.

The administration and ByteDance had been hammering out a structure that would allow TikTok’s biggest U.S. investors, including the firms General Atlantic and Susquehanna International Group, to hold on to their investments while government officials brought in new funds to dilute the app’s Chinese ownership.

The tentative terms of the deal said new investors would own 50 percent of a new American TikTok entity. Current investors would own 30 percent and Chinese owners less than 20 percent, two people with knowledge of the matter said. Private equity giants like Blackstone and Silver Lake, along with the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz, had weighed taking a stake in the new entity.

The proposal was laid out in a lengthy and detailed document for investors, three people with knowledge of the matter said.

Two people involved in the deal said there was more work to do. Certain potential new investors viewed any deal as conditional, subject to the due diligence that accompanies any large transaction, they said.

China was always, to some extent, the wild card. The administration’s lead negotiators were not discussing the issue directly with the Chinese government, instead relying on ByteDance’s understanding of Beijing’s position, two people familiar with the matter said. Before the president’s announcement on tariffs last week, ByteDance believed that the Chinese government was comfortable with the structure coming together in Washington, the people said. But even before the tariff announcement, there was no guarantee that Beijing would provide its informal blessing or formal approval.

The talks about TikTok are likely to become even more complicated as a trade war between the two countries escalates. China initiated retaliatory tariffs after Mr. Trump’s announcement, prompting the president to warn on Monday that he would impose additional tariffs of 50 percent on the country if it persisted.

Mr. Trump has repeatedly suggested that he would consider lowering tariffs on China in exchange for its approval of a TikTok deal.

Leveraging tariffs for the negotiations is “really kind of a remarkable effort to coerce a sale of a foreign company,” Mr. Chander said.

But the trade war may still be underway in June, he said, adding: “We may well find ourselves back in Groundhog Day 75 days from now unless the tariffs have been resolved.”

TikTok has maintained for the better part of a year that it is not for sale.

On Friday, ByteDance acknowledged for the first time that it had been involved in negotiations with the U.S. government over the app’s future — but said any decision was ultimately in another party’s hands.

“There are key matters to be resolved,” a spokesperson for ByteDance told reporters in an email. “Any agreement will be subject to approval under Chinese law.”

Maggie Haberman contributed reporting.



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If You Want to Ski Cheaply Next Season, Buy Now

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While the slopes may still be open across much of North America, it’s time to think about next season.

The major passes, including Epic and Ikon, as well as the smaller Mountain Collective, have recently announced sales for the 2025-26 season. The Indy Pass has already completed its early sales, although opportunities to purchase it will likely resurface later.

Though the ski website SnowBrains found that most prices went up between 6 and 7 percent, spring sales are when passes are cheapest.

“Now is the time to save and go skiing for under $100 a day,” said Dan Sherman, chief marketing officer at Ski.com, which offers ski packages.

The term “passes” has evolved to encompass prepurchased products that start with one-day tickets and aim to wean skiers off the walk-up window. Vail Resorts said three-quarters of its visitors last season used one of its Epic Passes, saving up to 65 percent on window prices.

The strategy, said Mr. Sherman, “is to get people locked in early and reward them with discounted pricing.”

Here’s a look at next season’s offerings.

Despite a rough 2024-25 season in which patrollers at Vail’s Park City Mountain Resort waged a strike over the holiday season, Vail Resorts broke the introductory-price $1,000 threshold for its 2025-26 Epic Pass, now on sale for $1,051. (Last year the pass started at $982 and ended at $1,107).

The pass offers unlimited access to Vail’s 42 resorts, including Vail Mountain and Breckenridge in Colorado, Whistler Blackcomb in British Columbia, and Stowe in Vermont.

Next season, Epic Pass will include five days at Verbier 4 Vallées in Switzerland, with more than 250 miles of runs across six ski resorts.

Those purchasing the Epic Pass also get discounts on lift tickets for friends. Pass holders, including those with day passes, receive 20 percent off on-mountain food, lodging, gear rental and lessons.

At Ski.com, Mr. Sherman counted more than 50 Epic configurations across variables like age and location. The Epic Local Pass (now $783) offers more restricted access to the Vail portfolio, but unlimited access to 29 resorts, including Breckenridge, Crested Butte and Keystone in Colorado.

Epic Day Passes, which can be purchased for intervals between one and seven days, start from $47 to $100 a day, depending on the resort.

Vail won’t say when prices will increase, but they tend to rise until going off sale; last year Epic passes were available until Dec. 2.

Sales of the Ikon Pass, offered by Alterra Mountain Company, begin March 13. The $1,329 pass offers unlimited access to 18 destinations, including Steamboat and Copper Mountain in Colorado; Mammoth Mountain and Palisades Tahoe in Calif.; and Crystal Mountain in Washington. Passholders get up to seven days each at 41 resorts, including Aspen Snowmass in Colorado; Jackson Hole Mountain Resort in Wyoming, and Killington in Vermont.

The pass also covers resorts abroad, including SkiBig3 in Alberta; Kitzbühel; and — new this year — Ischgl in Austria; Zermatt and St. Moritz in Switzerland; Niseko United in Japan; and Valle Nevado in Chile.

Ikon also has different subscription levels, including the cheaper Ikon Base Pass for $909, with unlimited access at 14 North American destinations and up to five days at 39 destinations worldwide, with blackout dates. Also subject to blackouts, the Ikon Session Pass is available in increments of two, three or four days at one or more of 43 destinations. A two-day pass starts at $259.

Depending on the pass, perks this year include spring skiing, 25 percent off the window rate for friends or family, and discounts on food at several resorts.

The Ikon Pass is typically available through early to mid-December.

The Mountain Collective offers two days each at 26 ski areas — many overlap with Ikon resorts — without blackout dates. Currently on sale, the 2025-26 adult pass costs $639 and includes Alta Ski Area and Snowbird in Utah, Aspen Snowmass, Jackson Hole and Sun Valley.

Abroad, it includes resorts in Australia, Canada, Chile, France, Japan and New Zealand.

Pass holders can get extra days at half off the window rate at most resorts. Friends and family get a 25 percent discount on one-day lift tickets, limited to eight tickets.

The Indy Pass offers access to two days each at independently owned resorts, mostly in North America.

For the next season, Indy made a guarantee of no fewer than 250 resorts and has added new-to-Indy resorts, including Burke Mountain in Vermont and Corralco Mountain & Ski Resort in Chile.

Sales of the $369 pass closed on March 10, but the company suggests joining the waiting list to learn about new offers. Last October, for example, it reopened sales for a few weeks, closing Nov. 10.

With just two days at each resort, Indy Pass best serves skiers interested in trying several resorts.

Follow New York Times Travel on Instagram and sign up for our Travel Dispatch newsletter to get expert tips on traveling smarter and inspiration for your next vacation. Dreaming up a future getaway or just armchair traveling? Check out our 52 Places to Go in 2025.





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Military Leader Wins Presidential Election in Gabon

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Gen. Brice Oligui Nguema has won the presidential election in the Central African nation of Gabon, according to provisional results, cementing the military officer’s hold on power after he staged a coup in 2023.

General Nguema won with more than 90 percent of the votes, the Interior Ministry said on Sunday. His main opponent, former Prime Minister Alain Claude Bilie-By-Nze, conceded defeat on Monday.

Gabon’s Constitutional Court is expected to announce official results in the coming days, though opponents and analysts have suggested that the election was geared toward General Nguema’s victory.

General Nguema is now set to govern Gabon for the next seven years, the second leader of a Central African country to win an election in recent years after grabbing power by force.

His victory highlights the return to elected power of men in uniform in West and Central Africa, which has experienced eight coups in the past five years.

Mahamat Déby, the current military leader of Chad, was declared the winner of a presidential contest last year after he seized power there in 2021.

Several other military officials who staged coups in West Africa over the past few years have stayed in power by delaying elections and maintaining lengthy transition rules.

General Nguema, 50, had vowed to relinquish power after a takeover that ended a decades-long political dynasty. But after his administration adopted a new constitution and introduced a new electoral code that allowed military officers to run in elections, he swapped his uniform for jeans and Air Jordans on the campaign trail.

Gabon is rich in mineral resources and oil, but the country faces a number of challenges.

Its economy remains overly dependent on oil, which accounts for 38 percent of Gabon’s gross domestic product.

The country is also among the world’s most corrupt, according to the watchdog Transparency International — a trend that preceded General Nguema’s military takeover. And more than 40 percent of young people in Gabon are unemployed.

Throughout the campaign, opponents of General Nguema accused him of flouting electoral rules by using state funds to finance his campaign. Even as he conceded defeat, Mr. Bilie-By-Nze said on Monday that the election had been “a farce” and complained of “Soviet-style results.”

“Fairness was undermined by the imbalance of resources — with one candidate campaigning at the taxpayers’ expense while others had to rely on their personal means,” he said.

Analysts say General Nguema fashioned the election so it could only benefit him. The constitutional reform that allowed him to run for office extended presidential terms to seven years and removed the role of the prime minister.

The new electoral code also prevented a prominent opponent from running by capping an age limit of 70 years for any candidate.

On Sunday, after the provisional results were announced, General Nguema said the returns left no doubt over who had won.

“I am a captain who knows how to bring a ship to a safe port,” he said. “You will see how the country is going to take off.”



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Teachers Worry About A.I. for Students. For Themselves It’s Another Matter.

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As artificial intelligence makes its way into schools, a paradox is emerging.

Many educators, concerned about cheating and shortcuts, are trying to limit student use of A.I.

At the same time, teachers are increasingly using A.I. tools themselves, both to save time on rote tasks and to outsource some of their most meaningful work, like grading essays and tutoring struggling students.

That tension has prompted some difficult ethical questions. For example, is it fair to use A.I. to grade student essays, if you’ve prohibited students from using A.I. to write them?

School leaders are grappling with these dilemmas as they confront a barrage of marketing claims around how A.I. could “transform,” “personalize” and “accelerate” learning.

A.I. “is already being used by the majority of teachers and students,” said Jennifer Carolan, a former history teacher and founder of Reach Capital, a venture capital firm that invests in A.I. learning tools.

But as the technology works its way into schools, some educators say they are concerned that tech companies are pouring resources into A.I. applications, like tutoring bots, that disrupt the human relationships at the core of teaching and learning — instead of creating tools to ease the bureaucratic burdens that shift adults’ attention away from children.

Among middle school students, word has gotten out about a solution for tricky math assignments. If you take a photograph of a problem and feed it into one of several free A.I. apps, the software will show you the correct answer and break the solution down step by step.

It’s easy to then copy those steps out, exactly as if you had solved the problem by hand.

Alex Baron, an administrator at E.L. Haynes Public Charter School in Washington, D.C., said he considered the widely used math apps a form of cheating.

But he acknowledged that he has found some compelling uses of A.I. in his own work. For instance, he can analyze students’ academic and behavioral data, and then split them into groups for targeted support.

Several of the popular math apps that concern Mr. Baron are owned by Google, including PhotoMath and Google Lens.

Robert Wong, Google’s director of product management for learning and education, said the tools are invaluable for students whose parents cannot help them with math homework.

He suggested that cheating had less to do with access to A.I. than with “other factors, like, are students engaged in the class?”

Indeed, educators experimenting with A.I. are seeking to solve the perennial problem of how to get students more excited about learning.

In Llano, Texas, Maurie Beasley, a school district technology administrator, has suggested to teachers that they use A.I. to personalize assignments.

With activities written by a chatbot, some students can work on a word problem about velocity using the example of a speeding baseball, while others consider a dancer leaping through the air.

Then there are the gray areas.

In Providence, R.I., middle school history teacher Jon Gold has found generative A.I. useful in lesson planning.

He trained ChatGPT by feeding it dozens of pages of curriculum materials he wrote over many years. That helped the bot spit back useful material. It can edit a long reading assignment down to three paragraphs for a short exercise, or create dummy essays that illustrate for students the difference between an effective essay and one that lacks supporting evidence.

Transparency is key, he said. He explains to students exactly how he has used A.I., in part to model ethical use.

Asking a chatbot to summarize notes into a study guide is a good idea, for example. But he does not want students using A.I. to draft essays or conduct research. He tells them that finding various sources of information and synthesizing them in writing is key to learning history.

He also talks with students about knotty ethical issues around how chatbots rely on copyrighted material and consume an immense amount of energy.

“I am more pro-A.I.-literacy than I am pro-A.I.-use,” said Mr. Gold, who teaches at Moses Brown School, a private Quaker academy.

Writing is one of the most challenging tasks for students, which is why it is so tempting for some to ask A.I. to do it for them. In turn, A.I. can be useful for teachers who would like to assign more writing, but are limited in their time to grade it.

Companies like MagicSchool and Brisk Teaching already offer A.I. products that give instant feedback on student writing.

Automated scoring is also happening in high-stakes scenarios — on exams that determine whether students graduate from high school.

In 2020, the state of Texas signed a five-year, $391,000,000 contract with the education technology firm Cambium Assessment, in part to deliver automated scoring of student writing.

The technology is not generative A.I. with access to the open internet, but instead uses an older form of artificial intelligence trained on human-graded writing samples.

Earlier this year, Dallas school officials complained after some questions on state tests were graded by the software, and scores were lower than district leaders expected. When the district submitted about 4,600 student writing samples for regrading, about 2,000 received a higher score.

Jake Kobersky, a spokesman for the Texas Education Agency, said the adjustments were minor in the context of Dallas’s 71,000 writing samples. He said the state remained confident in the technology.

Studies show that human grading of writing, too, is prone to bias and error — and that advanced forms of generative A.I. may be accurate and consistent graders of simple writing tasks.

The Dallas superintendent, Stephanie Elizalde, acknowledged that even as she raised concerns about the state’s use of automated scoring, her own district has embraced A.I. It has used the technology to grade students’ practice Advanced Placement essays, she said, and to assist staff members in summarizing documents and analyzing large sets of data.

Dallas students are already using A.I. to conduct research, she said, and learning about the importance of verifying information they receive from chatbots.

“It’s irresponsible to not teach it,” she said of A.I. “We have to. We are preparing kids for their future.”

Over the past two years, companies working at the nexus of artificial intelligence and education have raised $1.5 billion, according to an analysis by Reach Capital, the venture firm.

The biggest players in education technology, like Google, Microsoft and Khan Academy, are also heavily promoting A.I. for student research, tutoring and teacher lesson planning.

Mr. Wong, of Google, said the company’s vision for A.I. is to provide “a tutor for every learner and a T.A. for every teacher.”

Google’s Gemini chatbot, for instance, can probe students with questions that prompt them to demonstrate and practice what they know.

School leaders are parsing which of these technologies might become essential and which should be passed up.

Mr. Baron, the administrator in Washington, D.C., said one company had pushed an A.I. product that watches video footage of teachers teaching, and offers feedback.

Teacher observation and evaluation are among the most complex and important tasks he does, he said. Instead of outsourcing that job, he would prefer an A.I. tool that helped him maintain his school’s master schedule and search for substitutes — chores that routinely eat up hours of his day.

“I really want the teacher to be reading students’ work and helping them become better writers. I want school leaders to observe teacher practice,” he said.

Ms. Carolan, the Reach Capital partner, said marketing around A.I. could sometimes be “overly aggressive.” She added, “It’s important for everybody to be facile with the language and technology and be able to evaluate these products.”

But many educators — and policymakers — are not deeply conversant on A.I.

Los Angeles, for example, hired an inexperienced start-up to create an A.I. chat bot for students and families. The effort failed and the company’s chief executive was charged with fraud.

Many individual teachers are finding themselves navigating this terrain on their own, determining when A.I. is the enemy, and also, how it could be a friend.

Mike Sullivan, a middle school math teacher in Brockton, Mass., estimated about half his students are using problem-solvers like Google Lens. Some constrain their use to homework help. But he has also caught students using A.I. tools during in-class quizzes.

“It’s just too easy,” Mr. Sullivan said. The experience has made him rethink the wisdom of relying on computers so heavily in the classroom.

Still, he would love it, he added, if he had access to an A.I. tool that would make his own life easier, by taking student work produced on paper and seamlessly transferring it to a digital grade book.



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